Don’t throw the baby out with the bathwater

Originally appeared on The Morning.

By Dhananath Fernando

While Sri Lankans have learned to accommodate daily blackouts by now, Sri Lanka’s power generation, or rather the lack thereof, has made headlines again. Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera’s amendments to the Electricity Act and trade union actions have created quite the chaos.

Sri Lanka’s power generation has always been political capital for politicians. During the Yahapalana Government, then President Maithripala Sirisena said he wouldn’t join the Cabinet until the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL) and Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) came to some resolution (1). The same administration saw CEB officials vehemently organising ‘bodhi poojas’ for the rain gods to avoid the horrors of extended power cuts. Recently, the CEB Chairman followed suit, stating: “When God gives rain and the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) gives fuel, the CEB can provide electricity”(2).

In this context, the new Power and Energy Minister plans to amend the Electricity Act. The CEB Engineers’ Union has declared public resistance. The CEB enjoys a monopoly in transmission and maintenance of the grid and a greater control on power generation development and distribution. Therefore, as a trade union it has very high influence. This makes energy sector reforms very complicated. Achieving consensus between stakeholders is next to impossible. Given this monopoly and profit-making ability, reforms have taken a backseat. In this climate, the willingness of the Power and Energy Minister to prioritise reforms is commendable.

The Minister made a speech in Parliament highlighting the delays of renewable energy. In response, the Government suggested moving away from competitive bidding for renewable energy projects. While there is some degree of truth to delays occurring during the process of competitive bidding, the sustainable solution is not to completely do away with it. Under competitive bidding, the cost per unit of solar energy can drop drastically. Getting rid of competitive bidding would mean welcoming unsolicited renewable energy projects with much higher cost per unit. This cost will ultimately have to be borne by industries and consumers. In any trade, complete absence of competition means more rent seeking, inefficiencies, and corruption. 

A major reason for the delay of solar energy projects is the unavailability of land; 82% of Sri Lanka’s land is owned by the Government. Therefore, finding land for projects has become very difficult. The Government must prioritise clearing land for private investments. This applies to businesses across the board.

Secondly, making the policy and regulatory environment conducive to unsolicited proposals may not benefit the Government. This is because the current economic conditions are such that we do not have dollars to import material needed for renewable energy projects. Further, the cost of finance is also significantly high as our interest rates have skyrocketed. Without foreign exchange and high capital cost for any investor, development of renewable energy projects will take a backseat. Ultimately we will end up abolishing a competitive system with further delays and corruption.

The controversial wind power plants in Mannar should also be under the competitive bidding process. Failing this, Sri Lanka will not be able to reach market rates and will probably have to sell our energy generation for less than the market rate.

The solution is the unbundling of power generation, development, and distribution. Presently, whoever generates power has to contribute to the CEB grid. They have a monopoly in generation and development. Unbundling will divide these three segments and open some of it to the private sector. This will give people the choice to switch between any service provider based on the quality and reliability of the supply. Completely removing the competitive bidding process, without unbundling, will bring a double whammy on the cost. The prices of renewable energy will increase, while the CEB will continue to control the system through the grid. Thereby the Power and Energy Minister’s good intention to reform the energy sector may end up leading to a more negative condition with unintended consequences.

The Minister’s suggestion to connect the grid with India through a HVDC (High Voltage DC) cable is a sensible decision. One of the main challenges and restrictions for the expansion of renewable energy are demand and supply. Lack of management and access to a larger grid to sell and buy surplus or deficit of power too is an impediment. Connecting the Sri Lankan grid with India creates opportunities to overcome this issue. However, energy security precautions will have to be taken.

The suggestion of connecting the power grids of India and Sri Lanka was also made by Prof. Rohan Samarajiva in a report compiled under the chairmanship of former Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy, which was handed over to the President.

If Sri Lanka is to overcome the current energy crisis, reforms in the sector through unbundling and competitive bidding are necessary. Let’s be hopeful that our young Minister can make this crisis an opportunity to implement necessary reforms. 

References

(1) https://www.timesonline.lk/news/president-wont-attend-cabinet-meetings-until-ceb-pucsl-dispute-is-resolved/18-1082024

(2) https://www.newsfirst.lk/2022/03/31/when-god-gives-rain-and-cpc-gives-fuel-ceb-can-give-power-ceb-chairman/

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Low-hanging fruit from a disastrous harvest

Originally appeared on The Morning.

By Dhananath Fernando

We all want quick fixes to reset the economy. Difficult times like these make quick fixes a vital necessity as patience amongst the public runs thin. However, when an economy grows to a level of high dysfunctionality – as ours unfortunately has – the availability of quick fixes is extremely limited. 

The first step towards economic recovery is for individuals to understand that given the nature of the current crisis, quick fixes simply do not exist. The process of economic recovery can be likened to the growth of a plant. A mere need for a quick harvest does not mean that what is sown can be reaped in just a few days – it takes its own time. All that we can do is to sow the right policy strategy. We will eventually reap what we sow; if we sow the wrong ideas and wrong policies we will have to reap painful outcomes in future, similarly to how we are currently reaping the pain of what we sowed many years ago. 

However, a few quick fixes can still be attempted. One such attempt can be made in the tourism sector. We all know that there is a shortage of fuel for transportation and hotels don’t have reliable electricity. It’s true that tourists consider the situation of the country before they visit, and we are far from presenting an ideal situation. That said, in economic terms what we can do is to provide incentives on the regulatory side for people to visit Sri Lanka. 

One possible measure is to provide an on-arrival short stay visa for selected countries, which will encourage and increase tourist arrivals. Merely maintaining existing regulations will not help in economic recovery as it does not attract tourism. At the same time, Sri Lanka’s aviation authorities charge very high prices for landing and other aviation related services. For example, an economy class flight from Singapore to Colombo costs Rs. 155,000, of which Rs. 35,000 (23%) is incurred in airport and Government taxes. If we reduce those charges, prices of air tickets to Colombo will come down. 

One business leader recently informed me that the price of a flight from Chennai to Colombo was significantly higher than a flight of the same distance and duration from Chennai to other airports in India. Despite the same travel class on the flight, the same quality of staff, and the same distance, the price is mainly driven up by levies and taxes charged when the border is crossed. Given this, bringing down our rates may mean that some audiences may consider visiting Sri Lanka. 

In my humble opinion, when foreign media questioned the Prime Minister on tourism, his answer should have been: “It is a difficult time for all of us, but even with all those difficulties we have the best beaches and the most amazing sunsets and Sri Lanka is still ranked very high on all travel magazines.” 

Nonetheless, we have to keep in mind that tourism alone will not be sufficient to turn our economy around. We made this mistake earlier and attempted to settle our sovereign debt through tourism receipts. Generally, about 80% of tourism income will go back as a USD outflow due to the consumption of imported items required to sustain tourism. At the moment, we have little going for us and this is just a suggestion that is scraping the bottom of the barrel. 

Moreover, we have to establish a unified bankruptcy law. It will take time, but it is needed urgently, and it’s important to start now. With the economic downturn, many organisations have had to downsize or wrap up their operations. This is the same sequence of events that has taken place in other countries that were facing similar crisis situations. 

In Sri Lanka, private limited companies have some cover on bankruptcy, but about 80% of the business establishments in Sri Lanka are Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs). Most of these businesses are registered as proprietorships or as partnerships. When these enterprises are impacted, closing down the company is often the easiest and least painful option, as it helps the entrepreneurs move forward and get to the next phase of their lives quickly. If they have to spend a lot of time wrapping up their existing businesses that are not sustainable, it will slow down the economic recovery process, as a lot of valuable time, energy, money, and effort of capable people will be wasted on shutting down a company which is no longer viable. Therefore, an easy exit for businesses is as important as easy entry. Unfortunately, Sri Lanka’s labour laws do not support such an exit process and therefore, the process of exit is slowed. 

Finally, while accepting that there are no quick fixes to overcome the current crisis, we have to steel ourselves to go through the tough process of bridging reforms for markets to work. Markets work with credibility, a sound legal framework, and the rule of law. Given that the current situation has more to do with a question of credibility, legal reforms often go hand in hand with political reforms. Therefore, policymakers have to look at the reforms from a holistic point of view rather than just seeking out a quick fix. We are at the stage of sowing seeds for future reaping – if we don’t manage this situation well, we will reap a bad harvest once again.

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Tackling poverty with competent policies

Originally appeared on The Morning.

By Dhananath Fernando

I learnt poverty through two sources. Firstly, I myself have experienced poverty. 

At university, a basic lunch was served for Rs. 20. It was just three curries, and often the only source of protein was a watery fish curry or half an egg. A watery chicken curry with saffron rice was only served on Fridays. It was a very basic meal. There was an option to get a re-serving for Rs. 5.

The re-serving provided only the curries (not the protein source) on the condition that you went with the unfinished plate. Students who couldn’t afford Rs. 20 for the full meal would wait until a friend finished their first round, borrow their unwashed plate, and join the line for just the Rs. 5 re-serving. At one point in my life I was one of those students. 

That’s why this column has alerted the reader many times to the possibility of rising inflation due to Modern Monetary Theory (MMT). Money matters, and when inflation starts skyrocketing, basic essentials will be in short supply and the poor will suffer. 

Secondly, I learnt about poverty through my volunteer experience at CandleAid Lanka (1). CandleAid is a Government-approved humanitarian organisation founded by Captain Elmo Jayawardena. I have seen and heard so many stories of poverty and overcoming poverty from around the country during my interactions with CandleAid and Capt. Jayawardena. Out of all the stories, the story of Pahalagedara Jayathilaka is simply inspiring and reshaped my understanding of what poverty means for the poor.

Pahalagedara Jayathilaka was a crippled child who started his education in a borrowed wheelchair. His father had passed away from cancer when he was 10. Once, when narrating Jayathilaka’s story, Capt. Jayawardena said: “Jayathilaka’s best meals at university had been a cream bun or a fish bun.”

To cut a long story short, from the bottom of the poverty barrel, with the sheer determination and pure courage of his mother, Jayathilaka successfully entered the University of Moratuwa. He had come to Moratuwa with just his crutches and Rs. 1,000 in hand. Then CandleAid had provided him with an education sponsorship, through which he obtained superb results and a first class in Mechanical Engineering, and subsequently received a scholarship to the National University of Singapore (NUS). Today he is a Postdoctoral Researcher at the Department of Oncology of the University of Oxford (2).

In the terminology of economic research, there are many definitions of poverty, such as urban poverty and rural poverty, but the jargon of researchers is not sufficiently descriptive of the circumstances people find themselves in. When you are actually facing poverty, your decision-making processes, consequences, and outcomes in life are very different. 

For people in poverty, what matters the most is a fair opportunity to have a chance to succeed in life. It is an evolving process and it will never be an overnight miracle. 

They can overcome their circumstances if we establish the proper macroeconomic environment. That is what most of us forget; we forget the basics and try to target poverty without realising that macroeconomic instability causes poverty. 

I believe Pahalagedara Jayathilaka was unstoppable because he got a fair chance to compete as well as  support from a private charitable organisation. He was upskilled, an opportunity was created, and his fate was changed. 

The question during these unprecedented times is: how can we save our poor, and how can we support more people like Jayathilaka to create outstanding success stories? Of course, most people may not have stories as outstanding as Jayathilaka did, but they will at least gradually move above the poverty line and acquire a higher standard of living.

Before any suggestions are made, we need to understand that bringing down the inflation rate is the best way to help the poor. We created this problem of high inflation through bad monetary and fiscal policy, so bringing down inflation and creating stability through competent policy has to be the first priority. 

Furthermore, this column has often suggested the establishment of an efficient cash transfer system through the Government mechanism. While that is still an option, we all know how inefficient our Government apparatus is. 

The other option is to encourage private charitable organisations to help the poor. These organisations have good targeting systems and they have the capacity to reach people like Pahalagedara Jayathilaka and identify those who are truly in need. They are already doing a commendable service at a grassroots level, managing highly agile and impactful charitable projects to look after the poor. 

It would of course be the best case scenario if the Government can manage this, but our experience is that the Government’s management of all affairs is far below even our most basic expectations. 

Most charitable organisations have a far better reputation than the Government, and it is likely that expatriates will be more open to the idea of donating to these organisations than to the State to manage relief for the poor. This will bring in foreign exchange inflows, which will add further relief to our State coffers to manage essential imports.  

The best way to eradicate poverty is by creating wealth. To create wealth we need to first create opportunities, because the easiest tradeable good that the poor have is labour and human capital. We need to set up competitive processes to upskill our labour; poor people will gradually emerge from the poverty trap through the dignity of labour, and not by just becoming henchmen for a political party or by waiting in long queues to get a small cash subsidy or a handout.

A cash transfer system is a must. We should move as fast as possible on this matter. However, looking at how slowly things move with Government bureaucracy, it’s reasonable to assume that this will take time. 

Regardless, poor people cannot stay hungry for long. That is why we have to tackle inflation as public enemy number one and stop adding further inflationary pressures to our economy. Until we get the cash transfer system up and running, private charitable organisations should at least be approached or requested to come forward to utilise their network. They will be able to work faster than the Government and find and support many other Pahalagedara Jayathilakas who can excel. 

I still remember how Captain Jayawardena concluded his long story with a lot of emotion all those years ago. 

Every word I wrote about Jayathilaka is the absolute truth. Jayathilaka does not need colouring.

References:

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Salvaging the debt-ridden National Carrier

Originally appeared on The Morning.

By Dhananath Fernando

Privatising SriLankan Airlines is a hot topic once more, although this discussion is decades old now. Founded as Air Lanka in 1979, the airline was described by Singapore’s Lee Kuan Yew as “a glamour project, not of great value for developing Sri Lanka”. 

In 1998 Air Lanka signed a 10-year management contract with Dubai-based Emirates Airline for 40% of shares and provided the Emirates management the ability to make most of the management decisions. Air Lanka was rebranded as SriLankan Airlines. However, after 10 years, Emirates realised that the Sri Lankan Government was not going to renew the contract. 

According to SriLankan Airlines Annual Reports from 2008, the final year in which Emirates operated the airline, it made a profit of Rs. 4.4 billion. It was mentioned in some reports that this profit included insurance claims after the terrorist attacks on the Bandaranaike International Airport. 

Fig 1: Losses and Profits of Sri Lankan Airlines

However, since then, SriLankan Airlines has not made a single cent of profit. Cumulatively it has lost Rs. 372 billion since 2008. The airline made a loss of Rs. 44 billion in 2019, Rs. 47 billion in 2020, and Rs. 45 billion in 2021. Losses in 2019 were equivalent to 93% of the Samurdhi scheme’s budget – Samurdhi being the main social safety net in place to protect the poor. The losses were also equivalent to 84% and 90% of the Samurdhi budget in 2020 and 2021, respectively. These losses are equivalent to 17% of 2019’s health sector allocation in the National Budget. 

The problem is both clear and dire. We maintain a national airline at a substantial loss and ask the common people, many of whom don’t even possess a passport or haven’t even stepped on an aeroplane, to foot the bill. In other words, we are maintaining a failing  airline at the expense of the education and healthcare of our people. 

There are multiple reasons why SriLankan Airlines incurs losses. It is too politicised and many politicians and their relatives are not charged for extra baggage when they travel. Board appointments and recruitments have all been politically driven. Simply put, it is bad management. The general remedy for bad management is to replace it with good management so we can make the enterprise profitable. This has been the popular suggestion each time that the privatisation of SriLankan Airlines has been proposed. That is the exact thing we have been trying to do since we ended the management contract with Emirates. 

We have to ask ourselves why the outcome hasn’t changed even after the same remedy has been proposed and implemented repeatedly. Simply put, when you don’t invest sufficient money, time, or reputation into a business, no one has the ability to make it profitable. All the business leaders who have been appointed to lead the firm already have their own businesses, so it is obvious that SriLankan Airlines will become a secondary priority. 

Airlines are a very competitive business. Even privately-owned airlines are finding it difficult to compete and maximise profits, so how can we expect a State-owned and managed airline to do the same? There is a difference between a private company making a loss versus a State-owned company making a loss. A private company’s losses are borne by the private investors, who knowingly and consensually made the choice to invest their money in a potentially risky endeavour. But when public companies make losses, taxpayers have to pay and their money will be spent without their consent. How can this be justified, especially in a country like Sri Lanka where people suffer from a lack of basic needs, and when our healthcare, education, and social safety nets need significant improvement?

So what can be done about SriLankan Airlines? SriLankan Airlines’ business has few strategic units: The airline operation, catering, and the ground handling operation. Each section has some assets as well as liabilities. Overall, the airline has a lot of liabilities and debt. Most of the debt is guaranteed by the Treasury (part of it dollar denominated), which is part of the debt that is to be restructured as per the announcement on 12 April 2022.

Table: Debt guaranteed by Sri Lanka treasury for Sri Lankan Airlines

Accordingly, one option is that we ask strategic investors to pitch in to buy SriLankan outright. The bidding process has to be made transparent and competitive. The airline as a group is making colossal losses, so it is unlikely that we will be able to realise significant proceeds from the sale. As has been said, beggars can’t be choosers. 

Another option is for divisions like catering to be sold at concessionary rates to a potential buyer, again through a competitive bidding process, so that we don’t have to shoulder the burden of managing an operation while also closing any future window for corruption.

There is also the option to explore the feasibility of a similar kind of management contract or a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) similar to that which existed with Emirates. However, our airline is now in such a poor shape financially that the feasibility of a management contract is questionable. 

There are suggestions to list the airline on the Colombo Stock Exchange and allow investors to buy shares. Generally listings are successful when the company is doing well. At the moment, given the present economic conditions of the country and the historical performance of the entity, this may be challenging.   

Finding a strategic investor through a competitive bidding process is still a possibility given our connectivity with the main South Indian airports. Some Indian and international airlines may have an interest in expanding their network and will see a potential win-win situation. 

We have to begin the process of privatisation as it is obvious that we can’t run a business on taxpayer money at a time when the people are struggling for their basic survival. The citizens of Sri Lanka gave the management experts of all political parties and their close associates multiple opportunities over 14 years to turn the airline around and bore significant losses in return. Let us hope that policymakers will understand the gravity of the situation and that they will not allow such a huge drain on our coffers to continue unimpeded. 

For explanation of SLA losses for 4 years.

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Becoming the victim of one’s own policies

Originally appeared on The Morning.

By Dhananath Fernando

At a recent press conference, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) announced that importing goods through open accounts was going to be banned as a move to curb the money transfer through undiyal and hawala. In my view, this will have a negative impact on the supply of essential food items, drugs, and some raw materials. 

When a merchant imports goods, they can pay their supplier through a letter of credit. A letter of credit is simply a letter of guarantee by a bank or a financial institution to the supplier/seller that the correct amount will be paid in full on time. To open a letter of credit, the Sri Lankan importers should be able to buy foreign exchange or simply purchase US Dollars. But as we are all aware, all Sri Lankan banks have a drastic shortage of foreign exchange. The shortage is of such severity that we can’t import essentials, and in some cases even life saving drugs. 

In the case of imports, if the buyer and the seller have mutual trust, a letter of credit is not mandatory. They can settle on a credit basis later on. The goods will be cleared on Documents against Payments (DP) or Documents against Acceptance (DA). Most importers and their buyers/suppliers have long-standing business relationships. They pay later either through different modes including hawala and undiyal. This is no secret. They pay an additional charge for hawala and undiyal to buy USD for a reason, which is simply that our banks don’t have sufficient dollars to facilitate imports even if the importer requests the opening of a letter of credit. Otherwise, no businessman would want to pay a higher price for forex if there were cheaper options available. Especially in the areas of food, medicine, essentials, and raw materials, these open account transactions are common. According to a recent news report, approximately $ 1.6-1.8 billion worth of transactions are done on open accounts every month. 

So what could happen when the Central Bank forces these importers to conduct transactions only through letters of credit? Simply put, they may not have any option other than to stop importing. Because banks don’t have USD, they can’t even import on open accounts to settle later. The Central Bank expects more USD to flow into formal channels since the demand for USD through undiyal and hawala is set to decline with the new regulation banning open accounts. Even if the Central Bank’s assumption is right, it won’t happen overnight. Given the uncertainty, importers will either hold or slow down the imports to observe the situation. It will take a few months to settle even if all USD inflows started flowing through official channels. What would happen to our essential food items, certain raw materials for businesses, and drugs during those long months? 

However, so far the Gazette notification has not been issued by the Central Bank, and we have to wait and observe the situation in the next few months.

It is not the first time the Central Bank has burnt its fingers by unnecessary attempts to control the market. 

First, the Central Bank imposed a 100% cash margin requirement on vehicle imports in 2018 and later vehicle importation was banned completely (1).

Later, the Central Bank’s 100% cash margin requirement on selected imports categorised as non-essentials was extended from vehicles to many other imports (2). This column questioned how an officer decides what is essential and what is not essential. A digital camera may not be considered an essential by a writer or a banker, but a camera is an essential to a wedding photographer whose livelihood depends on it. 

Then, the Central Bank stopped the forward purchasing market and only provided space to open letters of credit with a 180-day limit. 

It was then decided to artificially keep the currency at Rs. 200 per USD, and the undiyal and hawala market expanded dramatically.

All the main Key Performance Indicators (KPI) of the Central Bank have been eroded drastically during the same period in which these controls were imposed. Our inflation has increased to 29.8% and our food inflation has increased to almost 50%. Our currency has depreciated by more than 75% in a matter of a few months. Simply put, our Central Bank has fallen far short on all its key indicators regardless of back-to-back controls and interventions. Many new theories employed by CBSL economists, including Modern Monetary Theory, have backfired spectacularly and unfortunately it is the poor people who have to pay the ultimate price in hunger and inconvenience for the grave mistakes of the Central Bank and the Monetary Board.  

As a remedial action to these mistakes, our Central Bank has now made an attempt to ban open accounts and cripple the undiyal and hawala systems. 

In my humble opinion, this may potentially create shortages of essentials and inconvenience the traders and importers who have been supplying the essentials at a higher price. These merchants have been bearing the higher cost of the informal markets boosted by the Central Bank due to mistakes beyond their control made by policymakers. 

We have to first ask ourselves why an importer should bear a higher price on USD to import. Without fixing our monetary policy, there is no point passing the blame to the hawala and undiyal markets. They have existed for centuries in Sri Lanka and around the world because of their competitive and evolving nature. The buck stops with policymakers, and not with merchants or foriegn currency middlemen.

Quite frankly, it will accomplish very little to close the stable door after the horse has already bolted.  

References:

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Walking the talk on reforms: First step to Lankan recovery

Originally appeared on The Morning.

By Dhananath Fernando

Often we all see the world the way we want to see it, and not as it is. Sri Lanka’s economic crisis is also seen by many people through their own perception of reality. 

In previous years, we believed that self-sufficiency, State-led industrialisation, State-centred economic planning, and more recently, Modern Monetary Theory, were the way forward for our economy. The current crisis has shown that none of that has really helped us; by contrast, it has exacerbated a poor situation to where we are today.  

Next comes the question of overcoming the crisis. This has to be analysed with context; the most significant piece of context is that we are facing the worst situation we’ve been in since independence in 1948 – and it is only getting worse. 

There are some suggestions to increase industrialisation, improve exports and the trade balance, and incentivise Foriegn Direct Investments (FDIs). However, it is of no use to have lofty goals of industrialisation when we can hardly provide an uninterrupted electricity supply. 

Foreign investors are planning to leave. Investors are by no means considering entering the country. Thus, potential solutions have to be evaluated based on this context. Simply having a wishlist of suggestions with minimal viability will add very little value at this juncture. We need rational solutions to solve the crisis immediately, rather than policies that can only be enacted in times of relative normalcy. 

The Government needs to bring its finances into a sustainable state. Revenue must increase and expenditure should be reduced. Reducing the losses of State enterprises is a way to reduce the deficit without touching social expenditure.

With that in mind, here are a few suggestions for reform:

1. Privatise SriLankan Airlines

At a time when people are struggling to feed their families and when our official usable reserves are less than $ 200 million, there are very few upsides to running a fully State-owned airline making losses equivalent to the value of our entire Samurdhi scheme, which, despite its flaws, is the main social safety net in Sri Lanka. Privatisation will provide strong signals that we are serious about reforms. 

For the last 15 years, we have not made any profits on SriLankan Airlines. We can disclose all finances and ask for interested companies to buy it outright with assets and liabilities. Having a higher liability than assets is the main problem in this instance. With the suspension of debt repayment of State enterprises, Treasury guarantees for the State are on hold at the moment. 

Even if we need to pay a certain amount to the buyer to take it off our hands and sell it off with staff, it is much better than keeping the enterprise in-house and incurring colossal losses repeatedly. The new buyer can be given the responsibility of staff restructuring. We can follow the playbook through which Air India was sold outright by the Modi Government. Our airline is unfortunately no longer an asset but a liability to our national coffers. 

However, it is not only the National Airline that makes losses. There are many institutes that add little value to the public, make massive losses, and are a very high burden on the Treasury. Some of these public enterprises are classified as ‘strategic’ and others as ‘non-strategic,’ but two things they have in common is that, more often than not, they make substantial losses and have very limited transparency. 

There were some discussions to revive Sri Lankan Airlines by appointing business leaders with a profit motive, converting it to a budget airline, and appointing committees to reform and restructure. We have run out of time to even attempt these options. Unfortunately, hard times require hard decisions and we do not have the time, money, or options to avoid them. 

With interest rates and Treasury bill interest rates reaching above 20%, running loss-making enterprises on borrowed money will make our local debt increasingly unstable the more we delay reforms. Most importantly, we don’t need to wait for pressure from creditors or the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to kickstart reforms; we can begin them now.

2. Better utilisation of idle assets

Improving service efficiency and increasing revenue of railways through Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) have to be the way forward for better utilisation of idle assets. 

Sri Lanka Railways is categorised as a department of the Government, even though it is actually a State-Owned Enterprise. Sri Lanka Railways holds a considerable amount of State land which is used very unproductively. 

Fort Railway Station, Maradana Railway Station, and the surrounding land along the track between these two stations are prime examples. Major railway stations such as Kollupitiya, Wellawatte, and Bambalapitiya are all prime beachfront properties which are very poorly maintained and completely underutilised. Land prices in Colombo are extremely high. There are plenty of such examples under the Railways Department with zero or negative value addition to our economy. Sri Lanka Railways first has to be made a State-Owned Enterprise, and then the sector needs to be opened for private sector investment. 

In the past, some train compartments were operated by private players and it was a very successful and lucrative business model. If we eliminate the State railway monopoly and open up the time table, tracks, and properties to the private sector, we can cut down on our fuel consumption significantly, provide a convenient service to passengers, and even turn a loss-making liability into a revenue-generating asset.

Given the very high energy prices at present – which are only set to increase – many people need the option of efficient and robust public transit infrastructure. In any case, the majority of people in Sri Lanka cannot afford to purchase and operate personal vehicles, and trains have been the main source of transportation in areas where they are available.

It is also of paramount importance that the most vulnerable segments of the population benefit from a rehauled cash transfer system, which should cover the energy price component in public transport. Everyone, regardless of their socio-economic stratification, should be given a fair chance to compete in life. 

However, it should be emphasised that these two steps alone will not help overcome the crisis. However, it is a good start to get the wheels rolling on reforms. These reforms will provide an unambiguous signal to investors and the world that we are no longer a NATO (No Action, Talk Only) nation, but a nation that walks the talk.

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

How protectionism killed Sri Lankan industry

Originally appeared on The Morning.

By Dhananath Fernando

Sri Lanka’s economic crisis was probably a crisis which was analysed (indeed over-analysed) and predicted from an early stage, but we failed to avoid it. We all knew that it was coming and therefore remedies were presented much earlier, but our policymakers simply turned a blind eye. They didn’t have the courage to face reality. Instead, they thought that wishful thinking would save Sri Lanka from the current crisis, and today, we have hit rock bottom. Unfortunately, we are just at the beginning of the crisis and have not even reached the recovery phase.  

It is important to reiterate that self-sufficiency, Modern Monetary Theory, industrial policy, protectionism, and import substitution failed yet again, and this time brought our people down on their knees. While we look towards solutions, we must also understand that it is not easy to rebuild an economy once it collapses. Recovery takes time, and recovery can only happen with the right set of policies.

There is one school of thought that argues that the lack of industrialisation is the reason for Sri Lanka’s balance of payments crisis. The main argument is that if we produced more to export, we would have had more USD revenue and this crisis would not have taken place. So the argument again comes back to import substitution, which involves banning imports or imposing higher tariffs on imports in order to produce locally. The argument is that this can save import expenditure while local manufacturing can scale up in order to focus on exports and bring export revenue. In the same theory, it is recommended that the government picks up which industries should be supported and which industries should not. This is simply going back to the same theory of the central planning model where a few officers decide which industries are good and which are bad. Often quoted examples for this are Japan, South Korea, and Vietnam. So today, let’s evaluate the strategy of industrialisation based on market principles. 

In simple terms, you become a good sailor by facing rough waters. Similarly the government selecting which industries to support and which industries to avoid will have consequences for all industries. Industrialisation should take place in a market system that optimally allocates all the available resources. If the government intervenes to assist one industry, it will have a knock-on effect on all other industries. Japan is indeed a classic example. The high-powered Japanese Ministry of Trade and Industry (MITI) recommended that Toyoda not produce cars. But he ignored their advice and today no explanations are required on Toyota’s success and competitiveness. In fact, in our apparel industry, big companies follow Toyoda’s example in the lean manufacturing techniques they pioneered. Rather than providing government support, price controls imposed by the Japanese Government impacted the automobile industry. So government intervention in the markets and industries is a sure recipe for failure. 

In Sri Lanka’s case, industries such as wall tiles, floor tiles, steel, aluminium, bathware, shoes, confectionery, and many others have been protected for decades. Have they become globally competitive due to protectionism and import substitution? In fact, import substitution is the worst we can do to develop exports because it creates an incentive to only produce for the local markets and discourages producers from producing for the global market given the tariff and non-tariff protection. Do our rubber, seafood, apparel, and electronic chips industries require any protection for them to be globally competitive? The simple answer is: no.  

In cricket terms, we can’t create a world class batsman by asking the bowlers to bowl loose deliveries. We can’t create a good bowler by asking the batsman to go soft on bowlers. Only in a competitive environment are heroes created. The protection is a sure way of killing the heroes and robbing poor consumers and exporters simultaneously. That is exactly what we have been doing for the last few decades. 

No export promotion can be done through import substitution; in fact, import substitution is killing our export potential. When the exporters have to pay more than 40% higher for construction materials, it is impossible for even our best performing exports to be competitive in global markets. 

If we observe the trade data, it is clear that our imports and exports are both declining as a percentage of GDP. In 2009, Sri Lanka had nine import taxes in addition to standard customs duties, and five of them are ‘para-tariffs’. Between 2004-2009, our total nominal protection doubled from 13.4% to 27.9%. Higher protectionism also indicates our continuous drop in both imports and exports.

Things got worse over time. The average effective rate of protection for manufacturing production increased from 47% to 63% from 2000 to 2015, and production for the domestic market was over 70% more profitable compared to production for exporting (World Bank, 2005; DCS, 2018). 

Accordingly, industrial policy and import substitution are contributory factors to where we are today with low exports and low productivity in the economy. 

In the history of industrialisation there are certain instances where some countries protected local industries, but in the success stories, protection had been given for a specified, strict time period or output and had a price-based structure.

Countries such as South Korea and Vietnam too became competitive not through import substitution but by allowing the markets to work. In a paper authored by Advocata Advisor Prof. Premachandra Athukorala, he quotes General Park Chung-Hee, who is considered the father of the Korean economic miracle: 

“The economic planning or long-range development programme must not be allowed to stifle creativity or spontaneity of private enterprises. We should utilise to the maximum extent the merit usually introduced by the price mechanism of free competition, thus avoiding the possible damages accompanying a monopoly system. There can be and will be no economic planning for the sake of planning itself.”

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Timescale confusions in solutions for the crisis

Originally appeared on the Daily FT

By Prof. Rohan Samarajiva

A few days after the tsunami, I was called to an expert meeting at Temple Trees by the then Prime Minister, Mahinda Rajapaksa. I was seated next to Arisen Ahubudu, the famous giver of names. He stated that we had lost too much territory, including Madagascar, and that we could not afford to lose more. He proposed building a wall around the country, using the traditional techniques used in protecting tank bunds, the ralepanawa. I was stunned that such a nice and well-meaning person could come out with such arrant nonsense. He had confused geological time with human time. 

Timescale confusions of a smaller magnitude are evident among many proposing solutions to our current multi-faceted crisis. 

Solutions to power cuts

We all experience the problem. Some of us understand the cause: no dollars to pay for fuel for the generators that make up for the shortfall from lower production from the hydro generators and Norochcholai. Even if we had the dollars, such fuel is priced in dollars and subject to price fluctuations that we cannot control. It is common sense that we should shift to electricity produced by renewable sources such as solar and wind. 

The problem is that under current market and technology conditions, both the distribution network (low voltage) and the transmission network (high voltage) are limited in how much solar- and wind-generated electricity they can accept. We can, and should, increase the use of electricity from renewable sources, but we need to upgrade the transmission network to be able to do so. Solar panels yield electricity when the sun is out (not at night and not when clouds pass over the panels); the wind will produce electricity even in evenings when our use is highest, but it is still intermittent. Batteries are not cost-effective yet.

Given the need to balance supply and demand of electricity in real-time caused by lack of cost-effective storage technologies, we need a large and modernised system in order to absorb more energy from these intermittent sources. We need to invest in upgrading the national grid and possibly connect to the large Indian grid. Feasibility studies must be done, and investment mobilised. It will take several years for the desired outcomes to be achieved. Increasing solar- and wind-based energy is not a viable solution for our immediate problems, though it is a solution in the long term. Within the applicable timescale, what we need are dollars for coal and diesel.

Promotion of manufacturing

Twin deficits, exacerbated by recent economic mismanagement, caused the crisis. More exports would have addressed the current-account deficit and may have helped with the fiscal deficit if the right tax policy was in place. Roughly $ 11 billion was earned from the export of goods such as apparel, tea, and value-added rubber products before the pandemic. Around $ 7 billion was claimed from service exports such as tourism, software and business process outsourcing. 

It is true that the East Asian Tigers and China took their people out of poverty through the production of goods for export. One has to ask why Sri Lanka (and to a significant extent, the rest of South Asia) failed to ramp up the production of goods for export, relying more heavily on service exports. One could even argue that the apparel industry is a service industry. A tailor who makes a suit out of material given to him is undoubtably a provider of services. The Sri Lankan apparel industry, which is the largest importer as well as the largest exporter, is doing what a tailor does, at scale. If it is manufacturing, it is manufacturing lite.

Until the market opening in 1978, the answer to the question of why we had no industries was that our private sector was weak and lacked capital. Therefore, the State went into manufacturing: steel, plywood, tyres, sugar, paper, shoes, cooking implements, etc. were all produced by fully State-owned enterprises under protection. They produced shoddy goods at high prices for the local market and lost enormous amounts of money. The plywood factory resulted in the clear-cutting of half of Sinharaja. After the market was opened to imports, they went out of business.

Since 1978, we have relied on private investors, with or without foreign partners, to manufacture for export (and for domestic use). They have tended to invest in sectors that did not rely too heavily on cheap energy (because our electricity prices were high, especially for industrial users). Except in the case of a few sectors such as apparel and rubber-based products, our producers failed to secure access to markets. Restrictive laws and para tariffs hindered local producers from getting integrated into global production networks, with very few exceptions. 

So, the industrialisation prescription as a solution to the crisis will take time and effort to implement. We would have to ensure reliable and low-cost energy (and other infrastructure services such as waste disposal), eliminate para-tariffs, and create the conditions for market access. The latter is the most challenging. 

Investors such as Michelin ensured market access for the solid tyres produced in Sri Lanka. The apparel industry also benefited in the early stages from foreign investors who facilitated market access. Attracting such investors and entering into trade agreements are needed for market access. But both take time. 

Industrialisation may be a good solution, but it is not for the Government to decide on manufacturing priorities. Because China has established itself as the factory to the world, countries such as ours must identify and exploit niches. Those best positioned for this are those with intimate knowledge of the markets, with skin in the game, namely private investors. The State must create the conditions and leave the actual investment decisions to such players. All this will occur on a timescale different from what is relevant to emerging from the present crisis.

Constitutional reforms

It has become evident that the hyper-presidential system created by the 1978 Constitution has failed to yield the promised benefits and has caused serious damage after the enactment of the 20th Amendment, which removed all the checks that were placed on the President by the 19th Amendment. For example, the Minister of Finance has stated that specific officials were responsible for the tax cuts that triggered the present crisis and the delay in debt restructuring. In the current system, the sole authority for those appointments was the President who must therefore be held accountable for the current crisis.

To address the demands of the protestors, the President must go. He must resign or be impeached. The former can take place immediately would allow the country to return to normal (if such a condition exists after the devastation wreaked by the President and his appointees). The time taken to impeach will be too long. 

The next best solution is to reduce the powers of the President. This would require a Constitutional amendment. An amendment that is approved by Cabinet can be completed within around six weeks. If it is moved as a private member’s motion, it could take more than six months, outside the timeframe needed to calm the country and get the debt restructuring done. The announcement that the Government is proposing the restoration of the 19th Amendment suggests a solution within the required timescale. Of course, it would be necessary to scrutinise the proposed amendment and ensure the President’s powers are meaningfully reduced immediately.

In innumerable discussions I have participated in, I hear proposals for Constitutional reform that pay no heed to the time factor. Some talk of a Constitution authored by the people, modelled on what is going on in Chile. The process began with an amendment to the Constitution and a referendum in 2020. This was followed by an election for a Constituent Assembly in April 2021. Its deliberations are ongoing. How realistic is this kind of process for the kinds of issues that have brought our people to the streets?

In these days of limited attention (and paper supplies), it would be useful if greater weight is given to the appropriateness of the proposed solutions for the time needed to solve the problems that beset us.

Rohan Samarajiva is founding Chair of LIRNEasia, an ICT policy and regulation think tank active across emerging Asia and the Pacific. He was CEO from 2004 to 2012. He is also an advisor to the Advocata Institute.

Sri Lanka’s economy is entering a dangerous tailspin

Originally appeared on Daily Mirror

By Ravi Rathnasabapathy and Rehana Thowfeek

Sri Lanka has just entered the deepest economic crisis in its history. Shortages and rising prices that people face today are only the first inkling of what lies ahead. Unless decisive action is taken, it can go into a destructive tailspin. 

Downgrades and forex shortages mean foreign banks will only accept upfront payments for imports until credibility is restored. This means the country is now in a hand-to-mouth existence: imports are restricted to the quantum of foreign exchange inflows. These inflows are shrinking. 

Production of goods and services, for both exports and domestic consumption is contracting due to shortages of fuel, power and other inputs. Exporters are losing orders as overseas buyers, concerned about the inability to supply and missed deadlines are switching orders to other countries. Tourist numbers dwindle due to long power cuts, lack of fuel for transport and the closure of restaurants due to lack of gas. 

Lower exports lead to even lower foreign exchange receipts, which in turn limits production even further. With each cycle, the noose tightens further, until eventually most activity ceases. 

The shrinking supply of goods and services within the economy leads to increases in prices, as spending outpaces production. Businesses become unviable due to their inability to function at normal capacity and people lose their livelihoods. As activity shrinks, individuals and businesses alike find it difficult to repay their bank loans and the pressure shifts to the banking sector. This cycle continues until most economic activity grinds to a halt. As the country is pushed into a subsistence existence malnutrition and hunger become widespread.

The crippling effects of the inability to import are similar to that of being under international sanctions except that these have been self-inflicted. Now that the downward cycle has started, it is very difficult to stop as the forces of destruction gather momentum and speed. Until the appointment of the new governor last week, Sri Lanka was in free-fall. The best hope now is to arrest the descent and stabilise it at some point. The governor has taken only the first step on the path to stabilisation but much more needs to be done.

It is clear from the people’s protests that the public have lost confidence in the government. What people don’t realise is that multilateral agencies, international banks and rating agencies have also lost confidence. The government budgets the last two years were replete with errors: overestimated revenues, irreconcilable differences and unrealistic assumptions. Abrupt changes in polices and asinine statements by officials underlined these concerns; one international bank entitled its update “Denial is not a Strategy”. Even before the default many foreign banks refuse to accept letters of credit from Sri Lankan banks unless guaranteed by an international bank.    
A key benefit of an International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme is that it will restore confidence. The mere fact that the government budgets and forecasts are being reviewed by the IMF signals that they are based on realistic assumptions and reasonable estimates. Together with concrete steps towards repairing public finances it will restore some confidence among lenders and pave the way for bridge finance – to relieve some of the crippling shortages that are choking production and livelihoods.

Returning to growth is not impossible but this means addressing the structural issues within the economy, a matter that is all but impossible due to the thicket of vested interests that have grown during the past two decades.

Stabilisation – averting complete meltdown
The major cause of the disequilibrium in the economy was the excessive money printing carried out by the Central Bank since 2019. Money has been printed to finance government expenditure at an alarming rate. The huge increase in government spending results in strong demand for goods and services within the economy. High levels of demand feed into local products and services as well as for imports. Historically, whenever the government has run a large budget deficit financed by the Central Bank credit, it has always resulted in a current account deficit.
The first step to addressing the problem of money printing is to borrow from the domestic market, instead of the Central Bank. Given the enormous sums being borrowed, the government needs to offer a sufficiently high interest rate to attract the required quantum of funds. This is why rates have been raised sharply. Higher rates will reduce consumption by the private sector (which also reduces imports) but may also affect investment, so such high rates, while unavoidable to stabilise the present situation, cannot be maintained in the long term.

For rates to reduce, the levels of government borrowing must reduce. This means cutting the budget deficit. This will have to be approached in two ways: an increase in taxes and a reduction in expenditure.

Increases in personal taxes will reduce the government deficit and therefore the government borrowing requirement reducing the pressure on interest rates. Higher taxes can help curtail private consumption (including import consumption) but may also impact savings and therefore investment. Increases in corporate taxes could curtail investment.

To minimise the negative effect on investment, the government should not rely on taxes alone, expenditure must be cut but the recurrent expenditure is very rigid (mainly salaries, interest and pensions), so reducing capital expenditure is more feasible both politically and practically. Resistance will however be encountered due the corruption involved, especially in highway projects. Reducing the drain from state enterprises and the disposal of idle or underutilised assets are other avenues to close the deficit. Some trimming of unnecessary current government expenditures can increase available fiscal space for social transfers.

Since the majority of the government expenditure is spent on salaries, pensions and interest, a recruitment freeze and a freeze on increments will halt further expansion. All discretionary expenditure unless directly welfare-related must be frozen along with capital expenditure at least in the short term. All transfers and support to state-owned enterprises must cease.

The imbalances will be resolved due to a combination of factors: contraction of demand due to higher interest rates and higher prices which follow from the adjustment of prices to the realistic exchange rate. Prices will need to rise to the market-clearing rate, critically energy prices, which are dependent on the exchange rate. This, however, delivers a huge negative shock to the poor, so it must be cushioned with social transfers.

These are purely stabilisation measures. If carried out properly, this can restore the economy to its state in 2019 but at a higher price level, higher unemployment, lower levels of output and higher levels of poverty. Those in the middle and lower-income groups will be pushed further down the income spectrum: large sections of the middle class will find themselves poor and the poor will be left in abject poverty. Due to low levels of productivity growth will be stagnant at 1-2 percent.

Some of the destruction that has been wrought on businesses will be permanent. The rate of increase in prices will slow to tolerable levels but prices for the most part will not decline from the current high levels. Lower incomes and high prices lead to much lower living standards for most people. The low levels of productivity within the economy mean that prospects for escaping poverty remain poor but on the positive side, things will stop getting worse.
If people are to have some hope, then growth needs to be restored, which means addressing the problem of productivity.

Growth – Restoring prospects for recovery 
The people will have little prospects unless growth returns but growth is impossible unless the barriers that impede it are addressed. 

Sustained economic growth and productivity improvement are intricately linked. These are two sides of the same coin: a faster rate of economic growth cannot be maintained without productivity improvement. Higher productivity must be achieved in all sectors of economy, including the government, public sector and agriculture, where it is weakest.

At its simplest, productivity is a measure of an economy’s ability to produce outputs (goods and services) from a given set of inputs. The more productive the economy, the more value it is able to generate, either through more efficient allocation of inputs, greater productive efficiency in converting inputs into outputs or through innovation – coming up with new products and processes. Achieving sustained economic growth ultimately depends on an economy’s ability to increase its productivity over time, so improving productivity should be the key long-term goal of economic policy.

Many of the barriers to increased productivity are the result of policies and regulations of past governments. Misguided or poorly implemented measures to protect or encourage particular sectors have stifled the competitive forces that drive productivity resulting in higher costs of production. Competitive intensity is a key driver of productivity. It is only in a highly competitive business environment that firms have a strong incentive to adopt best-practice techniques, and technology and engage in innovative activity. This works in three main ways. 

First, within firms, competition acts as a disciplining device, placing pressure on the managers to become more efficient. Secondly, competition ensures that more productive firms increase their market share at the expense of the less productive. These low productivity firms may then exit the market, to be replaced by higher productivity firms. Thirdly and perhaps most importantly, competition drives firms to innovate, coming up with new products and processes, which can lead to step-changes in efficiency. Protectionism shields them from these competitive forces and eliminates a vital incentive, stunting long-term growth. 

Increasing competition means opening the country to investment and trade, reducing the tariffs and regulatory impediments to both. This can help reduce consumer prices and prices of inputs. Import competition spurs local businesses to greater efficiency. With sound macroeconomic policies in place imports can flow in freely.

Within the government, productivity must be addressed through the process of privatisation of commercial activities that could be more productively undertaken by the private sector and the closing down of non-viable state-owned entities, reforming the legal foundations of the economy and substantially increasing the efficiency in critical government functions. For example, increasing the efficiency in the areas of tax and custom procedures and reducing trade and regulatory barriers to enhance competitiveness, digitisation and better systems that improve efficiency and ease of doing business.

Policymakers have no idea of how grave this crisis is or how bad things could get. It is a classic debt and balance of payments crisis, which, if mishandled, can result in a complete meltdown of the economy. The government has appointed, at long last, competent officials in the governor and the treasury secretary aided by a solid team in Indrajith Coomaraswamy, Shanta Devarajan and Sharmini Cooray. They must have unwavering support from the executive and legislature. All political parties need to work together towards resolving the political deadlock and restoring political stability to ensure economic change can be achieved without delay. 

Compounded crises: IMF the only way out

Originally appeared on The Morning.

By Dhananath Fernando

Economic crises are difficult to solve. In the case of a natural disaster, we know that it will come to an end at some point. We just have to manage for a short period until everything settles. By contrast, economic crises are different. They generally come in a package of five separate but intertwined crises if not managed well. It is clearly best to avoid crises, but when the crisis hits, and if we fail to manage it, the situation becomes significantly worse. Sri Lanka, unfortunately, seems to be managing the situation badly. 

What we are currently experiencing is the balance of payments crisis. Simply put, we don’t have sufficient US Dollars to import essentials, including fuel and medicine. As a result, the lifestyle that we used to live cannot be sustained as long as these conditions prevail. 

The second crisis just around the corner is the debt crisis. We have a $ 1 billion payment to be paid on 25 July and our usable reserves amount to only about $ 150 million. It has clearly come to the point where restructuring debt is unavoidable. Debt restructuring will be a painful process for creditors and debtors equally. This will have an unavoidable impact on the local economy. Additionally, the debt restructuring can be done with an IMF programme. The IMF is the only organisation that can bring credibility to a country that has proved that “it is not good for money”.

The critical question is, how is Sri Lanka going to finance its trade until we negotiate with the IMF and have an agreed-upon programme of restructuring debt? If we had sufficient reserves, we would at least have had a backup option, but we all know reserves are not built for day-to-day imports but for an emergency situation like Covid-19. The other option is to get support from bilateral partners until we finalise the negotiations. Even for that to take place, generally an IMF programme is essential as they need to have some assurance that the money will be utilised to import essentials but not to bail-out any bond holders. Hence it is essential to enter into an IMF programme as early as possible, rather than beating around the bush. 

In an ideal scenario, as a country we should have moved forward with reforms before going to the IMF seeking funds and advice. Indeed, if we had carried out these reforms at the right time, then we would not have needed to go to the IMF. But if we are not doing things correctly, it’s sensible to go to the IMF, not only because of the money, but for credibility and discipline. The current situation is that we are already late – and the clock is ticking. There are massive shortages nationwide, which have the potential to get worse. The Government is yet to be clear about whether we intend to have an IMF programme and even as this article is being written, the country did not even have a finance minister to initiate any such discussions.

The third crisis of the package is the financial crisis. Particularly in the process of debt restructuring, some of these bonds are held by domestic banks. So restructuring will affect the local financial system. Furthermore, most of the local banks have extended credit guarantees for State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) and it is likely that their debt will also be required to be restructured. So the impact on the financial sector can trigger a third crisis.

As these triple crises bear down, the political capital enjoyed by the Government will undoubtedly wear away. As a result, political instability will start kicking in. Especially in a country like Sri Lanka, where most essential services like fuel, electricity, and water are provided by the Government, the moment interruptions start, public resistance increases at a higher rate. In the Sri Lankan case, the political crisis has overtaken the debt crisis and the financial crisis. We are in the middle of a political and balance of payment crises and the other two crises are just a matter of time. 

The final crisis in the package is the humanitarian crisis. Especially if we fail to secure some funding lines without also delaying IMF negotiations, there is a risk of extended power cuts and further deterioration of living conditions. This can trigger a humanitarian crisis. If we drift to a disorderly default, as the Financial Times reports, “Disorderly default is the same as civil war.”

Already there are stories in the news about shortages of medicine and medical equipment and postponement of surgeries, all of which impact the humanitarian needs of the people. So urgent action is needed! However, Sri Lanka is in a complete state of dysfunction; there is no solid Government or cabinet ministers to make decisions, while public resistance keeps mounting. 

The nature of an economic crisis is that one crisis will keep instigating another and it’s not going to just go away. It takes a lot of time to overcome after things go out of control. 

We are very far behind and we need someone who really understands the depth of reforms needed and the work plan we have to adhere to. The general optimistic sentiment of ‘this shall too pass’ really won’t work here. We have expected the same to happen for a long time but it really hasn’t happened. 

Before we move to reforms, we need to keep in mind, for future reference, the cost of bad economic policy. Self-sufficiency, protectionism, intervening in markets, and ad hoc policy decisions are a recipe for a disaster and sadly we are facing one now.

We have to immediately increase interest rates and remove all surrender requirements by the Central Bank. In an economic crisis, dimensions are different. We have to immediately go to the IMF with a short- and medium-term plan with political consensus on implementation for the next five to eight years.

The problem and the solutions are already known. We need credibility, commitment to undertake reforms, and competence for execution of reforms to overcome. 

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

A cornucopia of crises: Refuge lies in reforms

Originally appeared on The Morning

By Dhananath Fernando

Many people call me and ask what the economic crisis looks like and how they should feel about it. I always say to them, “The economic crisis is like a long night where you can’t fall asleep even when you are sleepy. At the same time, you don’t know when the sun will rise and the night will be over. You are sleepy and tired but still you can’t fall asleep.” 

This economic crisis is the same; the future is becoming uncertain and we are not sure what will happen. As Prof. Riccardo Hausmann said at an Advocata session in September 2020, “An economic crisis comes slowly, and then suddenly.”

The nature of any economic crisis is that it often comes with many other crises. Currently we are suffering from a balance of payments crisis. Simply, it means we do not have enough foreign exchange to buy essentials such as fuel, food, energy, power, and other products that we need to survive on a day-to-day basis.

The second phase is generally the interruptions of services. For example, at present with long power outages, our telecom sector is in trouble; cell towers may not be able to provide the same voice call clarity, service, and internet services as in a normal environment. So every economic activity connected to the internet is going to be affected and the jobs and income will be affected. Many young people who are internet freelance workers will lose their income and the country will erode more foreign exchange inflows.

Another example is if vehicle battery manufacturers cannot get necessary packaging material. After a few months, there will be a vehicle  battery shortage which will impact all vehicles which use batteries to start their engines. All that is just the impact to the common man due to the BOP crisis.

The second crisis is the brewing debt crisis. At the moment the debt crisis has been overtaken by shortages and long lines. But with a $1 billion payment due in July the debt crisis is knocking at our door. We haven’t made any announcements to warn our creditors yet, so the impact of debt restructuring will be felt by our entire financial sector as well as all State Owned Enterprises with credit guarantees provided by banks. 

Economics is always connected with politics. With a BOP crisis combined with a debt crisis impacting the fiscal  sector is affecting the entire political structure. This problem is at a much deeper level where whoever and whenever in power will not be able to have quick fixes. Most of the solutions are painful and already we all have become victims of the pain of shortages of basic essentials such as fuel and electricity. 

However still we can attempt to do a few quick fixes but the actual solutions are with deep economic reforms, which this column has advocated for a long time.

We have to increase the interest rates and remove all forex surrender requirements by the commercial banks to the Central Bank. At the moment interest rates are too low compared to inflation. In simple terms our inflation is at about 17%. Our interest rates are at 7-8%. So if someone deposits money at a bank, the value of the money will fall at 17% and the interest rate is only 8% so the net loss would be 9%-10%. As a result, people are more encouraged to spend money than save. When people spend money, the demand for imports is going to increase regardless of some import controls or licensing schemes.

If you inquire from businesses, generally they have high demand but the problem is they can’t supply because of supply chain interruptions due to lack of foreign exchange. So interest rates have to increase to a viable level to stabilise the economy and minimise pressure on inflation. If an economy is functioning well, we can keep the interest rates low by making it easy to access capital. But in the middle of a forex crisis we can’t afford to keep interest rates low. 

One reason for the LKR to continuously depreciate is the low interest rates. The second reason is the surrender requirement of 50% from the commercial banks to the Central Bank. The simple meaning of this is that all banks have to sell 50% of their USD income to the Central Bank at a lower rate/price. So banks may only have 50% of the balance in the market to give it to the importers and everyone who is asking for foreign exchange. As a result the exchange rate is constantly increasing and people who have foreign exchange are holding it, expecting rates to go up further. 

The final outcome is that there is a massive shortage of USD in the banking system and the black market forex trades have been highly active. It was reported that the Central Bank had suspended the licence of one money exchanger. The prevailing system will most likely exacerbate the problem and forex shortages will further increase. 

We have to immediately clear many grey areas in our stance and policy. Then a clear direction has to be provided on the stance of whether we should approach the IMF or not. Since the IMF’s Article IV report states our debt is unsustainable, it is clear that we have to restructure our debt if we were to get into any IMF programme. Until then only technical advice can be accessed. Even in our debt restructuring, we haven’t been very clear and our messaging has been so weak for markets to make any concrete decisions. Not providing clarity on these critical areas is going to extend the crisis.

The dark night of the economic crisis will last longer than we think if we move at this speed and we may even run out of candles due to the unavailability of naphtha which is a petroleum product. The solution is reforming now! 

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Debt restructuring: A foreign language Sri Lanka needs to grasp very fast

Originally appeared on The Morning

By Dhananath Fernando

“Life is a foreign language and all men mispronounce it,” American journalist Christopher Morley said once. To Sri Lankan policymakers across all governments ‘economic policy’ has been similar to a foreign language that has been mispronounced, too many times too often. We have not only mispronounced but we have gone beyond, making conclusions and creating misperceptions and myths based on our misunderstanding of economic policy. 

Advocata and many economic experts raised the sustainability of Sri Lanka’s debt just after Covid and a Deep Dive Session was conducted providing an in-depth analysis on debt in September 2020 (1). Very early on, Advocata recommended that the economic reforms were a must to avoid any debt restructuring and we should do everything possible to solve the problem immediately. International rating agencies alerted on the same and many policymakers were in denial or silence about these alerts. In fact, CITI bank issued a report titled ‘Denial is not a strategy’ and credit rating was constantly downgraded. 

The moment of truth 

However, the moment of truth has arrived and the senior officials have indicated that the Government is expecting a sovereign debt restructuring. There is very little meaning in complaining and we all have to face the reality. 

Presently, debt restructuring is indeed a foreign language to us and this time we can’t make the mistake of mispronouncing it. This is because we haven’t done it before as a country and it is a very technical subject that needs specialised help. 

A paper published by (2), Lee Buchheit, Guillaume Chabert, Chanda DeLong and Jeromin Zettelmeyer says: “All sovereign debt workouts are painful for the debtor country, its citizens, its creditors and its official sector sponsors. If mishandled, a sovereign debt workout can be incandescently painful. A mangled debt restructuring can perpetuate the sense of crisis for years, sometimes even for decades.”

Debt restructuring cannot be mishandled

Simply, Sri Lanka cannot allow debt restructuring to be mishandled. As this column has mentioned over and over again, without reforms based on the market system and restructuring the economy, mere debt restructuring won’t solve our chronic problems. Debt restructuring without making structural economic reforms can lead the way for another restructuring of debt if it is not done successfully. A failed restructuring can also cause a disorderly default. 

The consequences of this are that economic activity and growth will slow down and be delayed. Mishandled debt restructuring leads to instability in the financial system, leading to declining Foreign Direct Investments (FDIs) and many other chronic economic problems. There are instances of sovereign debt crises leading to political crises, banking crises, and even to the extent of humanitarian crises. So understanding the depth and gravity of managing the debt restructuring professionally and transparently is just the first leg to a very long journey. 

The first step is appointing financial and legal advisors for the restructuring process and it is very important to make the selection process transparent and get the assistance of financial sector experts and an established parliamentary committee of all parties. Simply, we have to have top-notch financial advisors and legal advisors on our side. Already, according to Reuters, the bondholders are in discussion with one of the top legal firms on the restructuring process. Same as debt repayments, after the restructuring process commences, future governments will also have to carry the burden and process forward. 

Sovereign debt restructuring 

Sovereign debt restructuring can fail in a few ways. If the restructuring process takes too long to execute, and if it fails to provide sufficient debt relief, or if the creditors perceive the process as excessive and confiscatory, then the markets will hold a grudge that can affect future market access to the sovereign. 

In any sovereign debt restructuring, the debtor is the central player. In a corporate or individual debt restructuring, there will be a bankruptcy code (in many countries) to be used in restructuring under the supervision of courts. But in a sovereign debt restructuring, there is no bankruptcy code and debt relief can only be obtained with the creditors’ consent. 

Role of the IMF

In sovereign debt restructuring, there is a role for the International Monetary Fund (IMF). It first conducts a Debt Sustainability Analysis (DSA). However, the decision whether the debt has to be restructured or not is a decision by the sovereign country and the IMF provides technical assistance. 

Funds can be provided by the IMF to overcome the balance of payment crisis with an agreeable reform programme based on the status of debt sustainability and access to financial markets. 

In Sri Lanka’s case, the debt sustainability report is still due but the indication of the Government on a debt restructuring programme indicates that our debt is not sustainable. This was one of the main discussion points at the recently-held All Party Conference between the former Prime Minister and the current Minister of Finance.

In the case of Sri Lanka, the debt restructuring adjustment can only be determined after a detailed analysis of our entire debt stock. This included the repayment clauses of recently-taken swaps from friendly nations and the payment postponements of the Asia Clearing Unit (ACU) and even the foreign-denominated debt taken by State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs). The tools available are either to extend the maturity, adjust the agreed interest rate (coupon clipping), reduce the debt stock or principal amount (haircut), or a mix and match of selected options of the above tools.

A zero-sum game 

Debt restructuring is a zero-sum game and any creditor class will first try to make their case as a special creditor category and avoid the restructuring. If it fails, the creditors will try to expand the net number of creditors as much as possible and share the pain with everybody. The pain of debt adjustment on one party is distributed. 

In the restructuring process, any country will try to avoid restructuring of local debt as it could cause stress on the local banking and financial system. In Sri Lanka’s case, some ISB holders are local banks so the restructuring will be a little complicated as even if the external debt is restructured, then there may be an impact on local banks with high exposure to sovereign bonds. 

Sri Lanka’s creditor profiles are slightly diverse. In the bilateral creditors class, we have Paris club member countries (Japan) and non-Paris club member countries (India, China) where the Paris club operates on six principles that guide its work. So it is important that we come to a consensus at the negotiation table with Paris club members and non-Paris club members. Commercial creditors and sovereign bondholders too have to negotiate similar restructuring agreements. International Sovereign Bonds are governed by London Law or New York State Law, which makes our debt restructuring case a ‘foreign language’ to us. 

We are already on the path for debt restructuring but it is vital that all parties and Sri Lankans understand to an extent the depth of the restructuring and professionalism, transparency, and maturity required during the restructuring process. We can’t let the restructuring be handled and treated with a kid’s glove mentality. We have to do structural economic reforms with debt restructuring. Life may be a foreign language where all men mispronounce it,  but if we mishandle the debt restructuring, the lives of many men and women will be at risk.

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Replace blame game with reform game

Originally appeared on The Morning

By Dhananath Fernando

In Buddhism, there is an anecdote on treating a seriously injured patient: “When a man gets injured with a poisoned arrow, there is no time to investigate from which direction the arrow came and who sent the arrow. The sensible decision is to urgently treat the patient before the situation becomes serious.” Our economy is at such a critical stage that we have no time to point fingers at each other. We have to enact reforms as soon as possible, particularly to protect our most vulnerable and impoverished citizens.

With the currency flotation and the rapid and sustained LKR depreciation, the wellbeing and survival of less well-off Sri Lankans has become a serious question.

Those who have little knowledge of economics have started complaining that the currency depreciation is at fault, forgetting or not knowing what led to the currency depreciation.

As this column has highlighted for the last few years, our inappropriate policy decisions have led to the rapid depreciation in the first place. Maintaining low interest rates, continuous expansionary monetary policies (money printing), poor management of public finances, and compromising government income has caused a balance of payment crisis (commonly known as a lack of USD/foreign currency) to the extent that we now cannot even afford to import essential goods such as food items, gas and oil. Since the Central Bank can no longer artificially raise the value of the currency by spending reserves (due to very low level of reserves), the banks were asked to manage the exchange rate based on their forex demand and supply.

Simply put, a currency float is where we allow markets to determine the exchange rate to obtain the market value of a currency. However our ‘floating currency’ was not a true float as the Central Bank had regulations for banks to sell 25% of their forex and regulations on exporters to convert their forex proceedings within a stipulated time. Such regulations will not encourage forex inflows and will create excess demand by more importers who attempt to buy forex due to uncertainty. Further, the absence of a proper reform plan from the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) simply kept the markets more uncertain and led to firms and individuals holding on to their forex currency. As a result, the currency depreciated, since the more we maintain a situation of uncertainty, the greater the pressure on the currency.

So, what can we do to solve the problem of higher cost of living, particularly for poorer people? When the currency depreciates, people in sectors of the economy that are particularly sensitive to price hikes, including taxi drivers, fishermen, poor households that use LP gas, etc. are affected. The sensitivity to price hikes is higher the more those sectors and people are closer to the poverty line. Simply put, the people who stay just above the poverty line risk falling below and pressure on daily survival for many will continue to increase.

To avoid inflationary pressures we have to increase interest rates further. In economies which are functioning dynamically and smoothly, the interest rates are kept at low levels. But in a country where we have done a significant amount of money printing, keeping the interest rate low is going to worsen the balance of payment crisis. When interest rates are kept low, access to money will be easier, so people will try to consume more, which will add more pressure on forex outflows.

While interest rates are increased, we have to immediately revamp the welfare system and create a new social security network with proper targeting. That is one of the main reforms we need to implement in order to overcome the economic crisis. In fact, we should have had a better social security system in place before we floated the currency, but our situation was so critical that we cannot manipulate our currency further.

There are too many people in the current Samurdhi programme who don’t deserve to be in the system, and the programme has become extremely political. The withdrawal pattern shows that some of the Samurdhi recipients withdraw money only once or twice a year as a nice bonus during the New Year season or during the Christmas season. At the same time, there are a lot of genuinely vulnerable people outside the Samurdhi programme who actually deserve to partake.

Abolishing an existing programme and setting up a new programme in a short time may also not be very easy as there may be resistance from within. Particularly with politically connected beneficiaries, resistance may mount up against any new programme that better targets recipients. Secondly, the social security benefit should be adjusted based on market prices. For example, when the global market prices increase, the allowance should increase accordingly and when the prices come down, the allowance should also come down. At the same time, there should be an exit mechanism from the programme. The objective of a social safety net is to provide a fair opportunity for poor people to work hard and rejoin the economy as productive members of society. If the social security safety net is not adjusted for market prices, it is very likely that undeserving people will join the programme and resources will be wasted.

The next question is where we are going to find money, as our Government is already tight for cash. Our budget deficit is ballooning. One option is to perform more quantitative easing (money printing) and find money to run the programme, but obviously, it would add more to inflationary pressures. So that option is out. The second available option for financing is to do away with loss-making State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs). The allocation for Samurdhi (and pension entitlements of farmers and fishermen) is about Rs. 50 billion combined. About 25% of this is administration costs. The losses of Sri Lankan Airlines alone in 2020 was Rs. 47.2 billion. So clearly we have to save money by letting go of some of the SOEs which are colossal loss-makers with minimum value addition, to save our poorer citizens during this challenging time. We have many such SOEs which individually make losses that are many times the budget of the Samurdhi programme. The other option is to adjust the tax system to increase revenue. Mainly taxes such as VAT can easily be amended. This is why all the reforms have to take place simultaneously with good coordination, as simply conducting reforms in isolation may only bring resistance and non-action.

Another option that we can consider is a Universal Basic Income (UBI) model where we cut down all subsidies provided for utilities and other sectors and have an allowance for every citizen for their survival. However, we have to make sure that all other subsidies are eliminated if we move to UBI, as we definitely can’t afford to maintain both.

Sri Lanka’s situation is getting worse by the day and our survival is dependent on our ability to find solutions. Procrastination will only worsen the situation. Even though it is already late, it is imperative to begin reforms now.

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Import controls: Didn’t work in 2020, won’t work in 2022

Originally appeared on The Morning

By Dhananath Fernando

When I was a university student in my final year, I did an internship at one of the leading garment companies in Sri Lanka. My internship stipend was Rs. 5,500 per month, and I worked in Nittambuwa. 

On the weekly payday, it was a tradition that I would bring a small, affordable treat home. Of course, in those days the value of Rs. 5,500 and the purchasing power of the rupee was better than it is today. When my bus reached Pettah station (my interchange for the next bus to my home in Moratuwa), I would walk through the local market. What I could afford to buy from my stipend were fruits like apples, oranges, and grapes that were sold on the market sidewalks, and I would purchase a few of each variety. 

I recalled those days when I heard that the Government would be imposing licensing requirements for the import of 367 products, including apples and oranges. It occurred to me that many of the small traders who used to sell me those fruits would probably go out of business. Furthermore, the consumers who enjoyed affordable sources of fruit may lose access too.

There appears to be a widespread misconception that fruits like apples and oranges are only consumed by the wealthy elite. If they were only consumed by wealthy people, they of course would not be sold on the Pettah pavements and at central bus stands in Colombo and across the country.

The fundamental logic that is important to understand is that we cannot categorise any product as ‘essential’ or ‘non-essential’ in the first place. Different products are essential to different people based on a multitude of factors. 

A particular type of fruit like apples may not be essential to me, as I prefer to eat mangoes instead of apples. But from the perspective of an entrepreneur who was making apple juice or apple vinegar in Sri Lanka, apples cannot be substituted with mangoes. It is very likely that they will go out of business. 

Licensing process

According to the new regulations, the importers of 367 product categories have to obtain a licence for importation. Imposing such a licensing process will undoubtedly lead to corruption.  This move will ultimately only allow people in well-connected elite circles with contacts amongst Customs officers and politicians to obtain the import licences. The small-scale importer will be hit the hardest.

All big industries that require a licence have been taken over by politically-connected individuals. For example, private buses require a licence or a route permit. As the route permit is more expensive than the vehicle itself, buses tend to be poorly maintained, which puts passengers and other road users at risk.

The need for a licence to sell liquor is another example: most of the liquor licences of any given electorate tend to be owned by ruling and Opposition MPs, their family members, or allies.

Similarly, licences for Ceylon Petroleum Corporation-owned filling stations and State-owned LP gas distribution (and many other industries that require licences) have been completely overtaken by politically-connected individuals and most areas have minimal competition as a result.

Even obtaining the licence or approval that is required for basic house construction is a very cumbersome process and is greatly influenced by bribery and corruption.

Furthermore, the prices of many of the newly-affected products will go up. The few people who have the licence will have controlling power over the pricing and will effectively monopolise the industry. 

Imports are not the problem

To think that imports are the cause of the present USD shortage is a completely inaccurate diagnosis of Sri Lanka’s economic situation. 

As the Advocata Institute has explained many times, higher rates of imports have been caused by a reckless monetary policy, including quantitative easing and low-interest rates. Our imports have been declining as a percentage of GDP for the last 30 years, as have our exports. Therefore, thinking that imports are the fundamental problem is a complete misconception.

However, the Government and the Central Bank have recently been taking measures which are steps in the right direction. Increasing interest rates and floating the currency are appropriate in the current context, given the balance of payment crisis the country is undergoing. 

Ideally, interest rates have to be low and the currency has to be strong, but both can happen with time by allowing market forces to work. It is clear that the value of the currency cannot be maintained by forceful intervention. 

However, currency depreciation and higher interest rates will affect citizens in multiple ways. Depreciating the currency will cause inflation rates, which is about 14.2% (CPI, January 2022), and prices of most essentials and non-essentials to spike dramatically. 

Increasing interest rates will encourage people to save more than they spend, so the cost of capital will be high and the economy will be slowed down. Hence, growth will be low. It’s a choice between two equally-difficult options.

Our policymakers should understand that imports are not the problem. The real problem is that we haven’t carried out any reforms to improve the productivity and efficiency of the economy. Until the Government identifies the existence of a problem and takes the necessary actions to rectify it, we will not be able to overcome this crisis.

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Policy actions: Not quite enough

Originally appeared on Daily FT, Lanka Business Online and Groundviews

By Dr Roshan Perera and Dr. Sarath Rajapatirana

Key macroeconomic indicators signal an economic crisis

A reading of key macroeconomic indicators reveals the extent of the economic crisis Sri Lanka is faced with. Indicators in all four sectors of the economy (i.e., the real sector, fiscal sector, external sector, and monetary sector), have been at their worst level in recent years, and in some cases, at levels never before seen in the post-independence history of this country. 

Growth was negative in 2020 and continued in the negative territory in the third quarter of 2021. This was obviously partly due to the pandemic as well as the measures taken to curtail its spread. However, growth in Sri Lanka continued to remain subdued while other countries in Asia were firmly on a path to recovery. Macroeconomic instability will continue to negatively impact investor sentiment and growth prospects in 2022. This will be further exacerbated by the impact of the war in Ukraine, as the region accounts for a large share of tourist arrivals and is one of the key destinations for Sri Lanka’s tea exports.

Inflation as measured by the CCPI has reached double digits (15.1% YoY in February 2022). These levels were last seen only during the last stages of the civil war. Many countries around the world have also been experiencing an uptick in inflation due to higher commodity prices, especially energy prices and supply side issues due to pent up demand with the opening of countries.

However, in Sri Lanka, an extremely loose monetary policy due to excessive money printing by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) to finance the Government’s deficit has pushed inflation to double digit levels. Further, core inflation – which excludes food and energy – had risen to 10.9% by February 2022, reflecting the demand pressures in the economy. Food inflation has risen even faster, with the year on change reaching 25.7% in February 2022. The recent outbreak of war in Ukraine sharply increased energy prices, with Brent crude oil prices rising to over $ 100 in March 2022 – levels last seen in late 2014.  With domestic fuel prices adjusting to higher international prices, inflation is likely to increase even further.

Meanwhile, the fiscal sector continues to deteriorate. Ad hoc tax changes made at end-2019 resulted in tax revenue declining by around Rs. 500-600 billion in both 2020 and 2021. This decline will continue in 2022 unless measures are taken to reverse this trend. Consequently, tax revenue collection has fallen to the lowest level in history (8% of GDP). This has led to widening fiscal deficits and interest payments absorbing more than 70% of Government revenue.

The significant contraction in revenue with no adjustment to Government expenditure increased the fiscal deficit to 11.1% of GDP in 2020. This is likely to have increased further in 2021. A deficit of this size was last witnessed in 2009 (9.9% of GDP) and 2001 (10/4% of GDP). The sharp decline in revenue and the worsening fiscal position led to international rating agencies downgrading the sovereign, effectively locking Sri Lanka from international capital markets. Hence, the Government resorted to domestic sources to finance the widening fiscal deficit. However, with a cap on interest rates, it fell on the CBSL to do the heavy lifting.

Consequently, money supply rose to unprecedented levels, mainly driven by credit to the Government from CBSL, as the net foreign assets (NFA) of CBSL turned negative for the first time ever. Net Credit to the Government (NCG) in 2021 increased by Rs. 1.454 billion (38.2% YoY) with CBSL being the main provider of credit. Credit to the private sector increased by only Rs. 810 billion (13.1% YoY) during the same period.

The extent of the monetisation of the fiscal deficit is seen by the sharp increase in CBSL’s holdings of Government securities from Rs. 75 billion at end 2019 to Rs. 1,417 billion at end 2021. This has further increased to Rs. 1,529 billion by 11 March 2022. By artificially suppressing interest rates to keep Government borrowing costs low, the CBSL was forced to purchase Government securities not taken up in the primary market. This had increased reserve money (base money) by 35% (YoY) in 2021. The increase in base money would have been even higher if not for the decline in CBSL’s NFA to a negative Rs. 386 billion due to the use of foreign reserves for debt service payments and to support the ‘fixed’ exchange rate.

On the external front, the Government’s large foreign debt repayments and its inability to tap foreign capital markets due to the sovereign downgrade led to the use of foreign reserves for debt service payments. Consequently, the country’s official foreign reserves fell to precarious levels. To address the imbalance in the external sector, the Government restricted imports of many goods. The CBSL also imposed a 100% margin requirement on importation of selected “non-essential” goods.

Notwithstanding these import controls, the trade deficit (the difference between exports and imports) widened in 2021. In addition, in September 2021, CBSL fixed the exchange rate within a band of Rs. 200 to 203 per US Dollar and instructed banks to carry out transactions within this narrow band. Since demand for US Dollars outstripped supply at this “fixed” rate, a black market developed.

On 7 March 2022, when CBSL allowed “greater flexibility” of the exchange rate, the US Dollar was trading at around Rs. 260-270 in the black market. The large deviation between the official exchange rate and the black-market rate led to a significant decline in foreign inflows. Workers’ remittances, which hitherto helped cushion Sri Lanka’s trade deficit, had declined by 23% to $ 5.5 billion in 2021, with the decline continuing in 2022.

Recent policy actions not sufficient to stabilise the economy

To address the deteriorating macroeconomic environment on 4 March 2022, the CBSL revised its policy rates by 100 basis points, thereby raising the Standing Deposit Facility Rate (SDFR) to 6.50% and the Standing Lending Facility Rate (SLFR) to 7.50%. In the same monetary policy announcement, CBSL as the Economic and Financial Advisor, proposed several policy measures to be taken by the Government to address the current economic situation, such as;

  • Introducing measures to discourage non-essential and non-urgent imports urgently

  • Increasing fuel prices and electricity tariffs immediately, to reflect the cost

  • Incentivising foreign remittances and investments further

  • Implementing energy conservation measures, while accelerating the move towards renewable energy

  • Increasing government revenue through suitable tax increases on a sustained basis

  • Mobilising foreign financing and non-debt forex inflows on an urgent basis

  • Monetising the non-strategic and underutilised assets

  • Postponing non-essential and non-urgent capital projects

However, a few days after this announcement on 7 March, CBSL permitted “greater flexibility in the exchange rate”. Although the CBSL indicated that it was of the view that transactions in the foreign exchange market should be conducted at not higher than Rs. 230 per US Dollar, by 11 March, the US Dollar was trading at Rs. 265/275.

This was partly due to confusion in the market with parallel announcements being made by the Cabinet regarding increasing the incentive payment to Rs. 38 per US Dollar from the current rate of Rs. 10 per US Dollar for repatriations by migrant workers. Maintaining the exchange rate at these levels would require further policy action while restoring the confidence of migrant workers to use formal channels for their remittances.

While the monetary policy tightening cycle has commenced more needs to be done as inflation and inflation expectations remain elevated. The last time inflation was at these levels in 2009, policy interest rates were at 10.50% (SDFR)/12.00% (SLFR) and the 91-day Treasury bill rate was close to 16%. Higher interest rates are also necessary to maintain the interest rate differential given the Federal Reserve Bank of the US has signalled it will continue to raise interest rates to address “surging inflation”. The difference between the current policy interest rates and market interest rates also provides an arbitrage opportunity for investors to make supernormal profits. This opportunity is higher given the large liquidity deficit in the overnight market, which stood at Rs. 704 billion as at 11 March 2022.

Tackling inflation also requires bringing down aggregate demand in the economy. Excessive money printing by CBSL has increased currency in circulation by Rs. 290 billion (59%) from end 2019 to end 2021. The large tax cuts in 2019 have left around Rs. 1 billion in the hands of individuals and businesses. In addition, although workers remittances did not come through formal channels, there was a thriving informal system known as the ‘Hawala’ or ‘Undiyal’ system, by which remittances came into the economy. The increase in cash in the economy has elevated demand for both domestic and imported commodities, thus exerting upward pressure on domestic prices and increasing demand for foreign exchange to support higher imports.

Suppressing imports, particularly of cars, has also left money in the hands of dealers. This excess money in the system is likely to have driven the boom in the stock market and pushed up land prices and the market for second-hand vehicles. The higher money supply in the economy has thus driven speculative activities rather than being channelled into growth-enhancing economic activities. Addressing the build-up of aggregate demand pressures requires, in addition to further tightening of monetary policy, raising taxes and curtailing the monetisation of the deficit through CBSL financing.

Further, the exchange rate should be the mechanism through which imports are discouraged and exports incentivised. Imports in 2021 increased by 28.5% from 2020. However, the increase from 2019 was only 3.5%. Further, the main increases were in medicines, fuel, textiles, base metals, machinery and equipment, and building materials.

Allowing the market mechanism to determine prices would be the most efficient way to ensure that goods get allocated to their highest use. This is particularly important in the case of fuel, which is priced significantly below cost. Interference in the market mechanism leads to shortages and the development of a black market. There are plenty of examples in the recent past that amply demonstrate the impact of administrative price controls on the availability and quality of goods in the market. In addition, controlling the price or supply of commodities leads to a transfer of “profit” to those who control the market while taxing consumers in terms of time and effort expended to source goods.

Sri Lanka faces twin problems of an internal imbalance with high domestic inflation and an external imbalance with external outflows well in excess of inflows (in other words, a deficit in the balance of payments). The root cause of the twin problems is the Government continuing to run fiscal deficits and financing these deficits through high-cost external borrowing and monetary expansion. Addressing these issues requires policy action on several fronts. However, first, a debt restructuring programme needs to be put in place to give the country some breathing space to stabilise the macroeconomy and to implement growth enhancing reforms. 

A comprehensive macroeconomic stabilisation programme and overall economic reform agenda will impact key economic variables; some desirable and some not so. Low-income groups will be particularly affected by these policy adjustments. Hence, attention needs to be paid to ensure an adequate safety net to protect the most vulnerable in society from the fall out of policy adjustments.

The current Samurdhi programme is woefully lacking in terms of adequacy and targeting. There needs to be a more comprehensive social protection scheme. The additional cost of the programme could be funded through savings from the fuel subsidy (which currently disproportionately benefits richer households), reversing the tax cuts and reallocating Government expenditure (1).

References

  1. Tackling the COVID-19 economic crisis in Sri Lanka: Providing universal, lifecycle social protection transfers to protect lives and bolster economic recovery, UNICEF Sri Lanka Working Paper, June 2020

Dr. Roshan Perera, Senior Research Fellow, Advocata Institute and former Director, Central Bank of Sri Lanka.The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute, or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Fuelling reform

Originally appeared on The Morning

By Dhananath Fernando

Fuel shortages have become abundant. The implications of these shortages need no lengthy explanations. They will affect all of us: from a multinational company to the average man on the street, every action we take in life will be disturbed. The electrical grid is already experiencing multi-hour, island-wide blackouts and the situation could escalate to include water supply and many other utilities, for which the knock-on effect will be very severe. 

There were serious discussions in Parliament about the possibility of revising fuel prices. In fact, the CBSL Governor himself has requested that prices be increased. When fuel prices are increased, it may (to an extent) reduce the demand for fuel. But fuel is such an essential commodity that even when prices are increased, the drop in demand may be low. But when fuel prices are increased, people will have to spend more money on fuel and related products, hence there will be less money being spent on non-fuel imports. As the non-fuel imports come down, the balance of payments will come closer to equilibrium, reducing the extent of that crisis. Ultimately, that’s the fundamental feature of a market system.

Fuel price revisions have never been popular in Sri Lanka, as historically, revisions have always led to price increases. When the former Finance Minister late Mangala Samaraweera announced the price formula along with his team including the present Finance Ministry Secretary Dr. S.R. Attygalle, many people did not see the fuel pricing formula positively. 

In my opinion, the optics and launching the formula were also quite bad in the context of a political economy. The formula was introduced at a time when global crude oil prices were increasing, so many people thought the price formula was just an attempt – or an excuse – to increase the price rather than the proper market mechanism. At launch the officials were laughing and it was launched as V1+V2+V3 = V4 and it was captured in the media and popular rhetoric that policymakers were having fun by increasing the burden on poor people. So while the decision to implement the formula was appropriate, the marketing and getting the public on board with market-based pricing could have been better. Later on, with elections getting closer, adherence to the price formula was not maintained. But market-based pricing of fuel is definitely a need for the ailing Sri Lankan economy. 

It is crystal clear that we are unable to sell fuel at lower prices than the cost of production and distribution without incurring heavy losses and debts. The Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) makes a loss of Rs. 46.80 per for every litre of diesel even after receiving a duty waiver of Rs. 25. For petrol following a duty waiver of Rs. 45 the CPC makes a loss of about Rs. 18. 37. 

After the fuel shortage became prevalent, the common excuse trotted out by policymakers is that they don’t have dollars to buy fuel. In my view, this is misleading. While it is true that we do not have dollars to buy fuel at the soft-peg rate of approximately Rs. 200 per USD, we may have USD to buy fuel at the market rate of about Rs. 250-260 per dollar. Interestingly, we do not need the assistance of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to make these little changes with a big impact. Increasing domestic fuel prices may reduce the losses of CPC, but it will not solve the underlying problems causing shortages. Currently our Government makes two main losses on every litre of petrol or diesel: first, it suffers an operational loss on subsidised fuel and secondly, it suffers an exchange rate loss.

While the main reason for the current crisis is shortage of USD, it should be noted that the energy market dynamics are also very weak. It’s a duopoly market with over 80% share for the State-owned CPC, one of the biggest loss-making State-owned enterprises in the nation. As per sales for 2020 of diesel, because of the duty waiver alone, the Government is losing out on about Rs. 30 billion in revenue for petrol and about Rs. 98 billion for diesel. 

It is simply not worth making such losses, making life inconvenient for consumers while also losing political capital at the same time. There is no winner when the State tries to keep fuel prices low. Claiming that our prices are low doesn’t really matter when we have no fuel available at all! So although it is not a popular decision, the right and rational decision is to determine the price based on market forces. Also, the entry barriers have to be reduced or eliminated to allow other players to enter the market. Singapore, a smaller country with a population less than a quarter of Sri Lanka’s, has more fuel and energy suppliers, ensuring price and supply stability.

Rather than merely providing excuses as to why we do not have USD to buy fuel, the Government can identify the price at which it can make the USD available for our fuel imports. Long-term reforms are the only solution for this problem. Emerging from our economic strife is determined by when we start our reforms programme. It’s better for everyone that we start sooner than later. 

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

How can affordable electricity be assured 24x7?

Originally appeared on the Daily FT

By Prof. Rohan Samarajiva

The best way to understand the value of something is to experience life without it. These days, the Government is giving us a crash course on the value of reliable electricity supply. An unpleasant lesson, but nonetheless a learning opportunity.

If we probe the causes of load shedding, the learning can be deeper. Load shedding can be eliminated but at a cost. When hydropower declines due to periodic drought, the difference can be made up with generators running on imported fuel, the dollar price of which is determined by world market conditions. We can have 24x7 electricity, but not at an affordable price.

The Government created the immediate conditions for unreliable electricity supply through mismanagement of the country’s external debt. Today’s problems are not caused by delays in building additional generating capacity; they are caused by the lack of dollars to provide fuel for the existing generating plants. But there were deeper weaknesses in the organically developed system that must be understood.

With benchmark crude oil prices going over $ 100 per barrel, we must rethink our dependence on imported fossil fuels.

Reducing dependence on fossil fuels

Examination of the composition of our imports (Figure 1) shows that refined petroleum and crude oil taken together is the largest or second largest category of what is imported. It follows then that reducing the import of petroleum products would be an action that would satisfy many: those concerned about global warming will be made happy; those who want self-sufficiency would also be pleased. 

Petroleum imports are not used solely for electricity generation. But the way to reduce the consumption of petroleum products for transportation also involves electricity generated by renewables: buses and trains that are powered by electricity; lorries, cars, three-wheelers, and two-wheelers that are powered by electricity. Promoting electric vehicles makes no sense unless electricity comes from renewable sources. 

The significant increase in expenditure for fossil fuels starting in 2011 (Figure 2) appears correlated with the massive increase in the vehicle stock after the end of the conflict, leading to a doubling by 2014. Luckily, the biggest increase was in two wheelers, which do not take up a lot of road space and consume less fuel. 

Generating electricity from renewables does require some imported elements such as low-cost, efficient turbines and photo-voltaic panels but the costs and dependence is nowhere near that which exists with imported oil and natural gas. In fact, it may be possible even to export electricity at certain times of the day or even for months on end. But this will require substantial investment in the transmission grid.

Preconditions for increasing use of renewables

An economics commentator whose work I follow had expressed puzzlement at “demand for electricity is higher than supply” being given as a reason for load shedding. Others had expressed outrage at some Facebook posts that I had shared, which stated that solar and wind could not provide a complete solution to our energy woes. These responses by well-meaning and intelligent commentators made me realise the need for a better understanding of how the electricity is generated, transmitted, and distributed.

For all practical purposes using currently affordable technology, electricity must be treated as something that cannot be stored (but see discussion of pumped storage below). That means that it must be generated at the same time as people consume electricity by activating lights or appliances. Peak consumption in Sri Lanka (in the evening hours starting from around 6:30 p.m.) is around 2 or 2.5 times that of lowest use which is around 1000 MW. 

That necessitates a cheap source of baseload electricity that can be drawn upon throughout the day. In addition, we must have other sources that can be mobilised as demand increases. One would think that the major hydroelectric plants that have been built on the main rivers which generate cheap electricity that is unaffected by world market prices and the value of the rupee could serve as the source of baseload power. But there are constraints, such as competing demands from agriculture. The weather affects hydropower, as we are experiencing now. 

Therefore, planners in the past argued for coal as the ideal baseload for Sri Lanka. If Norochcholai does not keep breaking down and operates optimally, it can give 900 MW continuously whether or not the rains come. But it does break down, and it appears there have been irregularities in coal purchases. Coal, even if procured on long-term contracts at the lowest possible price, still must be paid for in dollars.

There are those who argue that Sri Lanka has plenty of wind and sun, and we can solve all problems by shifting to wind and sun. But the simple fact is that these are intermittent sources. Solar does not produce electricity when the sun does not shine and produces less when clouds cover the sun. Wind can produce throughout the day and night, but there are times when the wind dies down. It requires complex system controls to blend these intermittent sources into a centralised system designed for large, stable and controllable generators. 

Countries have incorporated massive amounts of intermittent renewable sources. In 2019, 47% of Denmark’s electricity came from wind. But they have a very sophisticated grid that is capable of handling intermittent power sources, and they use interconnections with other national systems to help balance the system. So, for example, when excess power is generated by the Danish wind turbines, it is used to pump water back up into reservoirs in Norway and Sweden (a method of storing electricity in the form of water known as pumped storage), which can then be run through turbines again to produce more electricity when needed. Yet with all that, Danish consumers pay more for electricity than their neighbours.

Similarly, if Sri Lanka is to increase the use of intermittent power sources, we will have to upgrade the grid and the system control centre’s software. Given the difficulties of synchronising the frequencies to one big plant such as Victoria, it may even be necessary to gradually convert the grid to direct current. If the Sri Lankan grid is connected via a high voltage direct current cable to the Southern Indian grid, the much larger combined system can absorb a greater amount of wind and solar power. 

Interconnecting does not mean that a country gives up on generating its own electricity. It simply means that marginal amounts of electricity will flow in either direction when it is advantageous to two (or more) systems. The fact that the peaks are different in the two systems can also be used to reduce the high costs incurred at peak.

It may be necessary to directly link revenues derived from regulated prices to those who make the substantial investments needed for the grid. This will almost necessarily require a restructuring of the current ungainly, unresponsive, and money-losing CEB in a manner that allows the transmission unit to be run efficiently. 

All these options require careful study in terms of costs, benefits and energy security. The relations between Denmark and its neighbours are such that all the parties can be confident about the contracts being respected and any disputes that arise being settled in a fair manner. We must ensure that the interconnection agreements with India have all these safeguards. The precedent of India’s interconnections with Bhutan shows that mutual interdependence is achievable in South Asia. The experience in Europe where interconnection, including over long distances across water, is growing rapidly even after Brexit, will have to be studied. 

Rohan Samarajiva is founding Chair of LIRNEasia, an ICT policy and regulation think tank active across emerging Asia and the Pacific. He was CEO from 2004 to 2012. He is also an advisor to the Advocata Institute.

Price controls worsen drug shortage

Originally appeared on The Morning

By Dhananath Fernando

Shortages have now become abundant and the new normal. We all know the reason: the foreign exchange shortage that is causing shortages of many essential and non-essential goods. Shortages have even affected our basic essentials, such as fuel and electricity.

We all know the solutions for the problems as well. Unfortunately, we have a shortage of policymakers who have the courage to enact the reforms to rescue our people from the commodity shortages. 

There are many contributing factors to potential shortages: supply chain disruptions, natural disasters, and many other externalities. However, in the Sri Lankan context, it is primarily price controls that are causing shortages. 

When there were price controls on tinned fish, there was a shortage of tinned fish. We had a controlled price for dhal, and dhal disappeared from the market. Cement prices were controlled and we experienced a cement shortage. The same has happened for US Dollars (USD). The Government controlled the price of USD, and the country has a shortage of USD. However, the USD problem is somewhat more complicated as price controls are just one of the reasons for the shortage. Controlling the price of the dollar has the worst effects of all the price controls as it has repercussions on all imports and exports.

As a result of the deteriorating situation, the Government removed price controls on most items which is commendable. It was clearly the right thing to do. Cement, milk powder, and many other commodities removed their price controls. But controls remained in a few very important categories: most significantly, USD and pharmaceuticals. The dollar shortage is worsening the shortages in all other industries and pharmaceutical shortages are creating a nightmare for many patients and their families. Even shortages of basic medicines such as the painkiller paracetamol have been reported. Although it was reported that the demand has increased by more than 200% due to Covid and Dengue, in a market system paracetamol cannot suffer shortages unless there is an economic issue (1).

One of my relatives has a rare type of pneumonia, and only one drug brand is effective in treating it. Since the disease is rare, only a small quantity of that particular drug was imported. Now with dollar shortages and delays in opening Letters of Credit (LCs), that particular drug is of less priority to the drug importer, as the same dollars could have been utilised to import more profitable drugs. 

On the other hand, there are price controls on some drugs and pharmaceuticals. As a result, when the prices have increased, no businesses would have the incentive to import them, as they would be engaging in a business where the cost is higher than the selling price (or where the profit margins are so razor-thin that investment is not justified).

Additionally, pharmaceutical prices and some active pharmaceutical ingredient prices have increased due to the pandemic and resulting supply chain interruptions. Simply maintaining rigid price controls doesn’t make economic sense and it only causes shortages in the market. It even makes the situation worse for local manufacturers, who find it difficult to source raw materials/ingredients. The State Pharmaceutical Corporation (SPC) can survive, because it’s a government institute, and it will receive preferential treatment from the State banks in opening LCs and will receive subsidies from the taxpayer. 

In the case of private companies, the importation of drugs and active pharmaceutical agents are conducted through long-term contracts. If LCs cannot be honoured or opened, both their professional business relationships and the reliability of supply will be affected. Sometimes with changes in credit periods, cost factors will change. This will occur particularly when there are doubts in the market on the exchange rate. In today’s Sri Lanka, where the kerb/black market rate is 20-30% higher than the rate offered by banks, the cost of imports is obviously going to be higher. 

Price controls on pharma are going to create shortages of the drugs that we depend on, as we have already experienced with products including tinned fish, dhal, milk powder, and cement. 

Due to shortages of USD and difficulties in opening LCs, even without price controls it will be difficult to avoid shortages. The main reason is that 2022’s entire global economy is connected through the dollar alone. In such a context, price controls are just going to make the problem worse. 

It is understandable from the Government’s point of view that allowing a sudden price increase of pharma products may not be politically feasible. But it may have a more significant political impact if the products are simply not available on the market. As with oil products, we could have aligned the prices slowly at regular intervals so that the price hikes would be more digestible for the average citizen and therefore less politically damaging. If we had enacted price revisions that aligned with global market prices we may not be where we are today. That is why the market system depends on the price mechanism – it is the thermometer which balances supply and demand. 

For a market system, competition comes before regulation. Imports and exports must work together at full capacity for prices to come down. Therefore, the regulatory framework has to be managed in a way that allows market forces to work. 

When the Board of Investment was positioned as a ‘One Stop Shop,’ there was a joke among the business community that “It’s one more stop” would be more apt. Similarly, the National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA) – supposed to be the regulator of prices and quality of medicines and medical equipment – has simply added a severe burden to the process rather than making it easier. 

References:

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Government must resign itself to reforms – now

Originally appeared on The Morning

By Dhananath Fernando

My school Advanced Level biology teacher used to tell me how to study for exams. Her main advice was that the first step was to ‘make a decision to study’. I would think to myself, ‘Haven’t we all decided that we need to study?’ 

But she would explain the power of decision making, which applied everytime we make a decision – be it consciously or unconsciously – and mention life every time we had to make a decision: “Not making a decision is a decision. Thinking to ourselves to study later is also a decision. Studying now is a decision. Not studying is also a decision.” 

I realised that it’s all about the thousands of decisions that we make everyday. All of our destinations will be determined by such small decisions. What we are today is based on the decisions that we made in the past; what we will be tomorrow is based on decisions we make today.

The same lesson applies to our economic policy as well. It appears that our policymakers have made a decision to not make any decisions on the public policy front. Since the initial stages of Covid-19, multiple reports have been submitted by experts and the Government has even called for multiple reports on the current economic situation. There was an initial report by the Pathfinder Foundation which focused solely on the pandemic. Then a ‘Road Map for Economic Recovery’ was launched by the Advocata Institute. 

In fact, the President called for a deregulation report, which was chaired by Krishan Balendran and Lalith Weeratunga. Suggestions were handed over by the Delegation of German Industry and Commerce (1) to the Deregulation Committee. There were many other suggestions and ideas by many other stakeholders, including the Chamber of Commerce, on the brewing economic crisis. It was recently reported that the Pathfinder Foundation submitted another report to the Minister of Finance based on the findings of a tripartite discussion between experts from Sri Lanka, Japan, and India. 

After all these suggestions, the decision to delay reforms may have multiple reasons, of which which we can only guess. But keeping assumptions aside, the more we delay, the closer we get pinned to the wall with limited choices to escape from the crisis.

Economic reforms must always be looked at in a political context. Whether the present political power balance supports the reforms is a key question. While many are of the view that with a two-thirds majority reforms can be done, it seems otherwise. Reforms are going to be quite painful so it seems that policymakers are reluctant to push hard reforms, as they are scared that the citizens’ frustration during the reform period may dilute the political capital they enjoy.  Further, this may even cause them to lose the super-majority. 

Even the Minister of Finance has admitted that the State sector and State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) are a massive burden to Government coffers; yet no State sector reform programme is even on the table. Politics is obviously the concern of the Government and State sector employees and their families are a massive voter bloc. Some of them would lose their jobs or would be pushed into mandatory retirement which would not help politics at the ground level. So reforms are put on the back burner and the Government continues to procrastinate. 

On the other front, the more that we delay reforms, the more the people get frustrated with disturbances to their regular day-to-day activities and businesses, including shortages of essentials such as LP gas, fuel, milk powder, cement, etc. The Government is stuck between a rock and a hard place – whether it carries out reforms or not, its popular support and political capital will be diluted either way. Therefore, my view is that it is better to bite the bullet and carry out reforms, as procrastination is just going to make things worse in the long run.

Another reason that reforms are delayed could be that the energy and focus of policymakers and politicians is spent mainly on fire-fighting day-to-day micro-problems. The situation is such that everyday has become a challenge for the Government to find US Dollars for importing basics and debt repayments.

Weather conditions impacting hydropower generation and global crude oil prices reaching nearly $ 100 a barrel are making our crisis worse. So far our policymakers’ strategy has been to completely depend on swaps. 

Over the last few weeks, India provided us with swaps and credit lines worth $ 1.5 billion and China with another Yuan 10 billion (approximately $ 1.5 b), of which basic information such as interest rates and payment conditionality has yet to be published. Interestingly, the total amount of swaps and credit lines are equivalent to six times the value of the MCC Grant, which created an extensive social discussion on the attached binding conditions which caused the President to appoint a committee to evaluate the grant agreement.

But our economic crisis is such that we are extremely desperate for foreign exchange. We had a presidential commission for a mere $ 480 million grant at a time when people had a deeper sensitivity to the potential conditions, whereas now we have decided to borrow six times more than that without any political party, media, or public figure having voiced their concerns. 

The decisions available at hand for all political parties are limited and difficult. It has come down to simply having the courage to implement reforms. Politics or party lines have become irrelevant as the prescription will not change regardless of the person in the driver’s seat.

Since 1977 and 1990 there has been no effort for any hard economic reforms, so many policymakers think that hard reforms will dilute their popularity. As a result, procrastination on reforms has become the norm. At the same time, the practice and knowhow of driving reforms have not been common. But the truth is that reforms will have less damage on political capital, while not undertaking reforms will have far more serious consequences. Stagnation won’t take us anywhere, but reforms will. 

References

https://srilanka.ahk.de/aktuelles/news-details/handover-of-report-on-the-simplification-of-existing-laws-and-regulations-in-sri-lanka

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

The danger of being anchored in anti-competitive safety

Originally appeared on The Morning

By Dhananath Fernando

The ‘what not to do’ guide for Sri Lanka’s economy from its shipping sector

Once I met a businessman in one of the world’s largest waterproofing corporations, based in the United States. He spoke to me about his humble beginnings. I asked him what his secret for success was. He replied “market system and competition” with confidence. 

He explained that an average person like him was able to create such a large business and social impact which provides employment for thousands of people in just one generation solely because of the market system and competition. “The market system made me an innovative, hard working and a progressive person. I didn’t care about my background. Without competition I could have been the same person as I was 20 years ago,” he said.

In life, hard work and commitment are the basic requirements of prosperity. What we need is a system that rewards hard work and free exchange, so the market system can create progression and prosperity. In any sector when competition is restricted, stagnation is unavoidable. That is one of the main reasons why, in any advanced market system, institutions are built to promote competition and restrict anti-competitive practises such as monopolisation. 

In Sri Lanka our total factor productivity is very low compared to our regional players, due to lack of competition and anti-competitive business practises. Sri Lanka is ranked at 84th in the Global Competitiveness Index (out of 140 economies) while we were ranked 52 in the same index in 2012; clearly, the situation is only becoming more dire.

The shipping industry is just one prominent example of how the lack of competition and anti-competitive trade practises have made Sri Lankan industry stagnant over the decades. While Sri Lanka boasts of its strategic location, our growth has been far below potential for many decades now. We have not only failed at capitalising on our naturally-gifted location but we are mired in debate and friction due to anti-competitive trade practises and attempts to monopolise the shipping industry and supporting services.

Most protected industries and cartels practise  anti-competitive behaviour after a certain period of time, due to stagnation and poor productivity. In a competitive environment, businesses focus more on future opportunities and productivity improvement, than on defending their own interests even if it means resorting to anti-competitive practises. As the American sporting legend Tom Brady famously said: “While the winners are focused on winning, the losers focus on the winners.”

Sri Lanka is quite unfortunate as even shipping, a main sector where we have the opportunity to open up for competition, has fallen victim to protectionist and anti-competitive practises. Minister Vasudeva Nanayakkara filed a public litigation case on the monopolisation of the shipping industry when he was a member of the Joint Opposition during the last regime. However, the lack of regulation to avoid anti-competitive practises will provide very limited space for ordinary citizens to become aware of the extent of the problem. 

Attempts to eliminate minimum investment requirements on shipping industry and freight forwarding with the objective of bringing more competition has failed over the years due to industry resistance. 

The result is shown in the numbers: Sri Lanka has about 750 local shipping, freight forwarding, and clearing agents, whereas Singapore has about 5,000 – despite commencing on its journey to becoming a maritime hub several years after us. Even in the case of the X-Press Pearl environmental disaster, we really did not have the basic ecosystem in place to combat an emergency because of our anti-competitive, inward-looking approach. 

Of course, shipping is not the only industry closed for competition, with anti-competitive behaviour. The acquisition of two of the largest tile manufacturers in Sri Lanka, which operate in an industry that is already highly protected (at one point with 107% total tariff protection), has also been a concern. The result has been the continuous suffering of consumers and the construction industry over the years, with basic housing becoming almost a dream for aspirational Sri Lankans. 

According to the current regulation, the Consumer Affairs Authority (CAA) Act No. 09 of 2003 (which was brought after repealing the Fair Trading Commision [FTC] Act of 1987) is expected to promote competition. Unfortunately, the Act only sets price controls on selected consumer goods instead of truly promoting competition. They raid small mom-and-pop shops for selling goods at rates higher than the set prices, and cast a blind eye on all other anti-competitive behaviour. It should be noted, however, that the CAA is hindered by its limited purview on the Investigation of existence of monopolies, mergers and acquisitions, and anti-competitive practises. 

The previous FTC Act of 1987 had a broader purview to investigate anti-competitive trade practises (compared to current CAA) including agreements to limit production, refusal to prevent  predatory pricing, vertical agreements, and cartels. But the Fair Trade Commision Act lacked implementation guidelines and specific distinction between public and private sectors (1). Anti-competitive practises need to always be analysed with State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) as most monopolies and anti-competitive practises are SOE driven.

Additionally, the provisions for the appointment and removal of members to the FTC, as well as the way the Act was implemented, raised concerns of the departure from competitive policy at the FTC (2).

A good example of the shortcomings of the FTC is the merger of Glaxo-Wellcome and SmithKline Beecham. FTC considered that it was beyond their purview as it was an international merger. In relation to unfair trade practises, the oft-cited case is that of Ceylon Oxygen Ltd. Ceylon Oxygen had held a dominant market position since 1936 in Sri Lanka. When a new firm named Industrial Gases (Pvt) Ltd. entered the market in 1993, it was alleged that Ceylon Oxygen behaved in predatory manner by reducing the deposit fee on canisters and decreasing maintenance charges, and made discriminatory discounts as well as discriminatory rebates. 

FTC identified  three anti-competitive practices of Ceylon Oxygen, namely, predatory pricing, discriminatory rebates, and excluding dealing. However, when the case went up to the Appeals Court, it was held that the FTC had no jurisdiction to investigate such practises over the case and therefore did not recognise these practises as preventing competition.

Though the FTC had its own shortcomings, the subsequent CAA Act has a far more limited purview. Simply put, Sri Lanka’s business environment and ecosystem are  set on all fronts to avoid competition and promote anti-competitive behaviour, while our prosperity completely depends on the opposite. 

Competition is very important to Micro-, Small- and Medium-Sized Enterprises. They are the first to adapt and grow due to flexibility and agility in a competitive environment. That is the reason the world-class waterproofing businessman whom I had met thanked competition and the market system for his success and the success of his business. 

If Sri Lanka is serious about achieving the status of a high income country, we can only get there by improving our productivity (total factor productivity) and certainly not through debt accumulation. Trade and competition policies play a pivotal role in this journey of reform and our policymakers should focus on implementing high-impact policies to promote competition and avoid anti-competitive behaviours. Unfortunately, the current focus has been on prices and market intervention.

Sri Lanka has a large number of talented young people who could become as successful as the waterproofing businessman I met. If we establish a market system and a competitive environment, then nothing will stand in the way of our youth reaching the top and Sri Lanka will become a far better and more prosperous nation than it is today.

References:

(1)  ​​Trade and Competition Policies: Their implications for productivity Growth in Sri Lanka by Dr.Sarath Rajapathirana

(2)  Thurairtnam (2006), Malathi Knight Jones (2002)

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.