Scrambled supply: How maize, markets and policy cracked egg prices

By Dhananath Fernando

Originally appeared on the Morning

Just after the election, social media chatter quickly shifted to egg prices, which had dropped by about Rs. 10. Many speculated that a kickback had ended, causing the price drop. However, a few days later, the prices shot up again by Rs. 10 and memes started circulating, joking that now the hens were taking the kickback.

But there is a deeper story behind egg prices and the poultry industry in Sri Lanka. The primary cost in poultry is the cost of feed, with maize being the main ingredient, making up about 60% of the feed by weight. The cost of maize accounts for around 45-60% of the total cost of poultry production.

In Sri Lanka’s poultry market, 40% is through wet markets while 60% is through formal markets, which maintain high standards to supply to hotel chains. At one point, we were even exporting poultry products to the Maldives.

When it comes to eggs, however, the cost factors are front-loaded. Layer chickens must be imported and raised to maturity, which takes longer than broiler chickens. The cost of feeding these layer chickens, especially with maize prices being so high, significantly increases production costs.

After the economic crisis, inflation caused maize prices to soar from Rs. 45 to Rs. 165 per kg, pushing up poultry product prices. Our local maize market, which is the main cost driver for the poultry industry, is tricky.

While Sri Lanka requires about 500,000 MT of maize annually, we only produce 300,000 MT, leaving a shortfall of 200,000 MT, which is imported through a licensing process. This system creates a cartel of importers, driving up maize prices and, consequently, chicken and egg prices.

Maize imports are also heavily taxed, including Ports and Airport Development Levy (PAL), Value-Added Tax (VAT), and Customs duty, further increasing costs. Meanwhile, local maize production is inefficient, yielding only about 1.5 MT per hectare compared to the global average of 2.5 MT per hectare. This low productivity forces farmers to encroach on forests to increase their yield, creating environmental challenges.

In response to the crisis, the Government imposed price controls on eggs. Since farmers had already invested in layer chickens, they were unable to maintain them under the price controls and ended up selling the chickens for meat. This led to a reduction in egg production, driving prices higher.

In the formal market, producers with thin profit margins halted capacity improvements, keeping production stagnant. As a result, we were unable to expand exports, as there was no capital to fund growth. The combination of price controls, maize import licensing, and high tariffs led to low production and high prices.

Eventually, the Government resorted to importing eggs from India. This highlights how distortions in the maize market, coupled with tariffs and inefficient agriculture, have hurt Sri Lanka’s poultry industry.

Despite all the costs, including shipping, insurance, and handling, the cost of an imported egg is still cheaper than locally produced eggs, mainly due to irregularities in the maize market.

Over time, the market began to stabilise. The drop in egg prices right after the election was likely due to lower demand during election week, especially from eateries and bakeries. As eggs are perishable, the surplus likely drove prices down. However, as soon as prices fell, people began buying more than usual, which quickly drove demand back up and prices along with it.

While it’s possible that some farmers and wholesalers may have hoarded eggs, the primary reason for high egg prices lies in Government interference in the maize market and price controls. The well-intentioned move to make protein more affordable through price controls has had the opposite effect – something that happens with many policy decisions.

The new Government must focus on making decisions based on data, facts, and economics, not just good intentions. In economics, good intentions don’t guarantee good outcomes.

Reform or perish

Originally appeared on The Morning.

By Dhananath Fernando

A Staff-Level Agreement (SLA) with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is a positive indicator of things to come. However, we still have a long journey to go and getting an SLA is just the beginning. 

We have negotiated with our creditors and have begun to implement reforms to stabilise the ship. We have to continue this trend and perform hard reforms to ensure our economy grows to a level where we can sustain it without resorting to borrowing.

In the status quo, I foresee a few scenarios that could happen with present political dynamics.

Scenario 1: Forming reform committees but not performing reforms

Sri Lankan policymakers’ solution for all problems is to set up a committee. There is a risk that we will do the same for reforms. Already, committees are being formed to take reforms forward, but reforms generally get sidelined or stuck in limbo. 

I recall many years ago there was a Cabinet Committee on Economic Management (CCEM), which was later replaced by the National Economic Council (NEC). Afterwards, the NEC was also dissolved and no economic reforms were taken forward. 

In the interim Budget, a new committee on SOE reforms and a few other pre-reform steps have been suggested. But the willingness to reform and the ability to execute is the most important aspect. If we leave a committee for reforms to its own devices, it will kill time while this crisis kills many of us.

Scenario 2: Some reforms are as good as no reforms 

There is a probability that a few reforms will be enacted. This is also a dangerous scenario. While in 1977 some reforms were implemented, labour market reforms and many other required reforms were not carried out. As a result, we failed to get the maximum benefit out of opening up the markets. 

Reforms in the 1990s were also not carried out in a holistic manner. Half-baked and half-hearted reforms will not rescue us from this crisis 

Scenario 3: Capitalising on low expectations but no real reforms

Another possible scenario is that policymakers and politicians will try to build their political capital based on a low-expectation environment. 

People’s expectations have fallen so low that a two-hour power cut has become accepted given the circumstances. A few hours staying in a fuel line has also become acceptable and even an achievement, despite us taking the ability to freely pump fuel for granted only a few months ago. The availability of LP gas has also become an achievement. 

Given this environment, politicians may try to just keep the basics supplied and settle for a new normal with very low expectations and build political capital until the election without enacting hard reforms. That will not only take Sri Lanka backwards, but we will move towards stagflation. Our youth will be less aspirational and the dream of a higher income country will fade away 

Scenario 4: Making reforms the entry gate for corruption 

While economic reforms are essential, since we haven’t seen any reforms on the political front, the same corrupt politicians may misuse this opportunity. 

Important reforms such as privatisation and Public-Private Partnerships will be passed with less transparency and no accountability to benefit the inner circle of corrupt politicians and with minimum benefit for poor taxpayers. This will dilute the public’s trust of reforms and create resistance against much-needed change. 

Scenario 5: Reforms that snowball 

This would be the best-case scenario, where we move proactively on a series of reforms to completely transform our economy. These reforms will not just halt after one wave.

Given dynamic economic and global conditions, reforms have to keep moving while keeping up with global changes, since otherwise the reforms that we do today will pose the same barriers for us a few years later. Sri Lanka needs to move towards reform and resetting itself in a holistic manner. 

Our aim has to be to create an economy where the 17th time becomes the last time in which we go to the IMF.  We need in-depth thinking to move fast. Simply making statements or addressing the audience based on current sentiments is not a solution; we need genuine willpower to get reforms done.

We have to capitalise on the IMF SLA and move forward with the rest of the reforms without delaying the process. The research has already been done and what needs to happen is very well known. It is just that we need to get our act together and move forward.

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Import controls: Regression when we really need reform

Originally appeared on The Morning.

By Dhananath Fernando

I recall a visit I made to a small eatery back in 2015, just a few weeks after the interim budget speech by the new Yahapalanaya Government. The eatery prepared hoppers, egg hoppers, and short-eats – this was just after the then Finance Minister, in his Budget speech, had announced price controls on hoppers at Rs. 10, egg hoppers at Rs. 25, and, if my memory serves me right, plain tea at Rs. 5 and Rs. 10 for milk tea.

When I asked for an egg hopper, the shopkeeper (‘mudalali’) said: “Sir, we are not selling egg hoppers. If you want, you can buy an egg here for Rs. 17 and give it to the chef and he will put the egg on a normal hopper, which is priced at Rs. 10, and you will get your egg hopper.” I was totally confused and I asked the shopkeeper: “What do you mean? Can’t you give the egg from your counter straight away and give me the final bill?”

He replied: “Sir, because of the price controls we can’t sell egg hoppers at profitable prices. An egg costs about Rs. 17-18. Coconut is also expensive, as are rice flour, wheat flour, and cooking gas, so we can’t sell egg hoppers at Rs. 25. So we sell eggs and hoppers separately.” I then followed his instructions and got the egg hopper prepared.

Generally when buying hoppers, chilli sambol, known as ‘lunu miris,’ comes complementary. I was waiting for ‘lunu miris,’ which did not arrive. I asked the shopkeeper: “Where is my lunu miris?” He replied: “How can we give lunu miris free when we sell hoppers at Rs. 10? You have to buy lunu miris separately by paying an extra Rs. 10.”

Price controls never work

The recently-imposed price controls on eggs will not make any difference to the same set of outcomes I observed about seven years ago. Sadly, Sri Lanka’s policymakers have not learnt their lesson – that price controls have never worked and will never work. Following the implementation of price controls on tea, tea shops will stop serving sugar and ask people to buy their sugar separately. 

If you recall, in the recent past there was a Government-controlled price for chicken. Meat shops at one point stopped selling whole chicken and instead only sold chicken parts. Thereafter, we had many price controls on rice, dhal, tinned fish, sugar, cement, and even on USD. Anyone who has a reasonable memory will remember that none of these price controls worked. 

At one point, there were price controls on pharmaceutical products despite the currency depreciating by 80%. How can a company import the same drugs and keep the same price, with the cost rising by 80% due to poor monetary policy? The only option available for pharma companies was to stop procuring those formulas. 

The same happened with milk powder. The consumer became the ultimate loser by suffering shortages in the market. There is a sentiment that private businesses hoard similar goods, which are stocked at lower prices, and sell only when the prices are increased. There may be some truth in it. As we all are aware, the private sector is also a reflection of our Government sector and policymakers, and the private sector has been given those opportunities when competition is not allowed and financial instability is not managed. But ultimately the common person loses on both ends – both through shortages and higher prices. 

The price control on eggs is going to impact the less-fortunate the most, since eggs are their main source of protein. They don’t require refrigeration and they are more affordable compared to the other protein options. The price of 500 g of fish is now Rs. 1,500-1,800. Chicken and other protein sources are also very expensive. Even dried fish and sprats are more expensive than eggs when calculated on a per meal basis and when accounting for overall convenience, effort, LP gas consumption, etc. 

So when price controls discourage suppliers from supplying eggs at that rate in an environment where chicken feed prices have gone up and prices of medicine for poultry and transportation have increased, price controls simply become meaningless and send a completely wrong signal to markets, while we are in the spotlight for an IMF programme and debt restructuring. 

Import controls a mistake

The Government made a similar, crucial mistake by announcing import controls on 300 selected HS codes as a measure to save our valuable dollars. We need to first remember that we have already cut down quite a lot of imports and we are really scraping the bottom of the barrel by restricting our fuel and some essential medicines. We have completely banned imports such as vehicles for more than two years now. 

Sri Lanka’s imports have been declining since the 1990s; policymakers should ask themselves: if import controls brought us to our darkest hour, how are the same import controls expected to save us from the crisis? Some import bans are on intermediary goods, and, as economic theory has shown around the world, with import restrictions, exports will also decline and Sri Lanka will become a net loser. We have to discourage imports through the pricing of dollars so imports will automatically come down with higher prices.

Import controls will also confuse markets and dilute the credibility of the Central Bank Governor. As he mentioned, we have adequate forex for essentials in the coming months. So the question arises: if we have enough forex, what is the purpose of import controls?

Secondly, both import controls and price controls, in my view, will have an impact on IMF negotiations at home. The Article IV IMF staff report clearly notes that we have to phase out import controls. Announcing import controls at a time when they are visiting Sri Lanka sends a negative signal to the IMF and to our creditors that Sri Lanka is not open to reforms.

Trade is a two-way street

Already the European Union and Japan have on multiple occasions indicated the importance of trade. In fact, the European Union stated: “Trade is a two-way street.” In this context, we are creating more resistance from our neighbouring countries at the brink of a very important debt restructuring and IMF programme. 

Both recent policy actions indicate to the world that we are just following the same old methods and are not open to serious market reforms. We will also not comply with some guidelines of the World Trade Organization with this decision, isolating ourselves globally at a time we need support the most.

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Living according to a government’s will

Originally appeared on The Morning

By Dhananath Fernando

• Cost of living and the freedom of choice

Jeewan Thondaman, the political leader representing the estate electorate in Sri Lanka, was questioned recently on what development means for the estate sector. He said: “One politician visits the estates and says he built five houses and another one says he built 10. Merely building houses is not development.”

Then the TV anchor probed him on what development really is. “Giving the opportunity for people to build their own house in a land they own, as per their preference and aspirations, is development,” he replied. He went on to say that “if politicians build houses for the estate sector, regardless of the number of houses built, estates would never be developed”.

Politics aside, the young politician’s views on choice are highly commendable. Most often, people do not realise the importance of the ability to choose from a wide range of options. Especially in countries like Sri Lanka, we expect all things to be provided by the government. We like to eat what the government tells us to eat, we want to get educated on what the government says is good for us, we strive to get a job from the government as they see fit, etc.

The ability to choose is often tested in terms of marriage and relationships. Imagine if the government decided to select partners for us. We can all picture what chaos it would be. Similarly, when the government decides which food we should eat, which fertiliser we should use, and which job we should do, the results are not that different.

Availability of a range of options and increasing choices as much as possible is one key parameter on consumer convenience. The same concept works for essential commodities as well at a time when the national conversation is on rising food prices.

Let’s first understand the reason for rising food prices.

The recent food price hikes are caused by multiple reasons. One is rising global food prices and commodity prices with economies opening up after lockdowns. As a result, a barrel of Brent Crude oil, which was priced at about $ 42, is now at $ 83. So, a fuel price hike can be expected, which will, in turn, have a knock-on effect on many consumer goods.

Sri Lankans will be affected more significantly due to the Sri Lankan rupee depreciating in comparison to the US dollar. Excessive printing of money under Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) has further contributed to the depreciation of the currency. As this column highlighted many times, excessive printing of money, which increases the money supply, will also increase the demand for imports. A lot of the money printed will be used to purchase imported goods, which will worsen the balance of payment (BOP) crisis. A worsening BOP crisis will also increase the shortage of USD, thus increasing the price for a US dollar in LKR terms, or the exchange rate.

An increasing exchange rate will cause the prices of all imported goods to increase as the market adjusts, and keeping the exchange rate fixed without really having sufficient US dollars doesn’t make any sense. Simply, we have imposed a price control on the USD, which has created shortages just as with milk powder and liquified petroleum (LP) gas. Price controls also led to shortages.

If the Central Bank has unlimited USD supply, we can keep the exchange rate without fluctuations, but as per official data, our reserves are at a historically low level. So the Government and also our people are in a very unfortunate situation without having adequate tools to arrest the rising prices.

In a situation like this, some recommendations have been floated, such as increasing wages or Lanka Sathosa distributing essential goods.

On the question of increasing wages, the private sector has to have increased profits and revenue if they were to consider a salary hike. The government sector, which is about 18% of our labour force, cannot have a salary hike without further borrowing from the Central Bank. If the Central Bank further borrows on behalf of the Government, the prices will further increase. So, the only way to overcome this is to fasten our seatbelts and make sacrifices on our real consumption.

Sathosa has no other magic formula to reduce the prices unless a subsidy or budgetary support is provided, and obviously someone has to bear that cost of such a subsidy. Removing price controls is indeed a move in the right direction, but ensuring the market has enough competition across sections is also important in bringing down prices.

One good example is the wheat flour market, where there are only two players in the market. There is a very high tariff on imported milled wheat instead of raw wheat. So this acts as an entry barrier for other industry players to enter the market. As a result of such a lack of competition, the two existing players set the market price and the barriers to entry allow ample space for rent-seeking activities.

It’s the same for cement and industries like LP gas. In most cases, these industries are protected from competition. Protection from competition is directly undermining consumer choice. If Sri Lanka is serious about bringing down prices, our only solution is competition and expanding consumer choice.

At present, though, it seems that sacrificing consumption will be the only option we have and it will not be easy, specifically for the poor, where a higher percentage of income goes for purchasing food. This is going to be a truly difficult time period for such families. So the only option available is increasing the range of options available by increasing competition. Then, people can adjust their choices so that they have room to explore alternatives without experiencing the effect of higher prices. The only way to do it is to remove all barriers to market entry in order to pick the supply side up and iron out market distortions.

Different households will adjust in different ways to price hikes. For example, some households will reduce the quantity of milk powder used per cup. Some households may decide that only kids should be fed with milk powder and adults give up milk powder and shift to plain tea. Some families may adjust with frequency. Instead of having milk tea seven days a week, some will skip two to three days based on their affordability. Some families or businesses who have a higher degree of dependence on milk powder will use the same quantity, but they will reduce their entertainment expenses or other expenditure categories to keep the milk powder consumption going.

In simple terms, each household and individual, based on their circumstances, can decide what is the best choice for them. So even when making “sacrifices in consumption”, the freedom to choose is vital. With people making choices, there will be new market opportunities where suppliers will consider more options to supply alternatives to the  market and capture a different market segment.

Freedom of choice matters both in hard times and good. It is a fundamental pillar in a market system where people have the option of adjusting for higher prices by managing the cost of living to a certain extent. Competition in the market is what fuels the choice for consumers. Sri Lanka has to set the fundamentals right. For example, we cannot develop the estate sector by just building houses. We need to provide them the opportunity and choice to build a house as per their preference. This can only be done by allowing the market forces to work and establishing freedom of choice for people. While the importance of having the freedom to make individual choices is fundamental, the Central Bank can ensure that the rate of money supply increase is limited by using monetary policy. Finally, MMT does not work as it is claimed by those innocent of simple monetary economics. As our currency is not an internationally accepted currency, money printing by the Central Bank leads to inflation.

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.